Written submission from Ms Sian Lewis (SPP0026)
1. This submission of evidence is based on my on-going PhD research that focuses on women’s experiences of sexual harassment on public transport, specifically the London Underground, and how these incidents impact upon their mobilities and freedom in the city. The key areas of my research (which I will cover in this submission) include:
2. I am a PhD researcher in the School of Social Sciences at Loughborough University. My research has taken a feminist, urban sociology approach and used qualitative methods. I am in the final year of my PhD, meaning all data has been collected and analysed and preliminary findings can be presented.
3. Transport exists as a transitional, intermediary aspect of urban life, between the apparent vulnerability of the streets and safety of work and home. Yet in recent years there has been a proliferation in studies signifying the prevalence of sexual harassment on public transport on a global scale, suggesting that it remains structured, monitored and policed in a way that does not necessarily ensure safety to all those who use it. The issue of sexual harassment on public transport in London specifically, became apparent in 2013 after a Transport for London survey revealed around 15% of women had experienced sexual harassment on transport in the city[1].
Despite the problem garnering significant attention, (both in academia and the media) much of the research is done using quantitative methods (particularly surveys). Furthermore, whilst the issue has gradually received recognition and is no longer seen as an ordinary or acceptable part of women’s every day life, campaigns by authorities have often focused on increasing levels of reporting, rather than directly preventative strategies. In part, this is due to the fact that understandings of the manifestation and implication of sexual harassment in a transitory environment remain unclear.
3. For this research I used wholly qualitative methods. Between October 2016 and October 2017 I conducted observations on the Underground network, interviews with 30 women who have experienced sexual harassment on the London Underground, as well as 15 interviews with members of the British Transport Police, all of who had particular experience in policing sexual harassment on transport.
4. I will now outline key preliminary findings with regards to each research question:
- How does sexual harassment manifest in a transport environment?
Women’s experiences were vast. During rush hour (both morning and evening) women relayed accounts of groping and frotteuring (a man rubbing against them with an erection). More common at off peak time were men masturbating or flashing (indecent exposure). Late evenings/night time also led to drunken interactions where they were grabbed and kissed, propositioned, or verbally abused. I also spoke to women who had experienced ‘upskirting’ (photos being taken of their legs or up their skirts), stalking and being ejaculated on.
- How to women experience and react to sexual offences in a transport environment?
Women experience and react to sexual harassment differently in a transitory environment (rather than, for example on the streets, in a bar), and the spatial and temporal elements cannot be ignored. Numerous women highlighted how, particularly in rush hour, they were unsure as to who had groped them, or if it was being done on purpose (showing how perpetrators use the environment as a cover).
Women also stated how they felt they couldn’t react because they felt trapped and were fearful of the situation escalating. They also stated that they felt embarrassed to speak out because of the social nature of the tube- they didn’t want to draw attention to themselves, and weren’t certain that other passengers would support them.
Finally, similarly to many incidents of sexual harassment elsewhere, women questioned their own behaviour and role in the incident- did they encourage it? Did it happen because they’d been drinking? Because they were wearing a short skirt? Because they smiled? This highlights the existence and internalisation of a culture of victim blaming.
- How is sexual harassment tackled and policed on the London Underground?
The majority of Transport form London (TfL) campaigns and initiatives have focused on raising awareness and encouraging reporting of unwanted sexual attention on the network. Whilst these numbers have increased significantly, there are numerous barriers that still exist to reporting. The reasons women gave for not reporting included: Not wanting to waste their own time/disrupt their day, not wanting to relive the experience, fear of being re-victimised/not being taken seriously by the police, not knowing how to report and not thinking the incident was serious enough to report.
Those who had reported reiterated positive experiences with the transport police. However a few also noted how despite the police being attentive to their needs, their cases were not taken further due to ‘insufficient evidence’ which left them disheartened. This highlights the difficulty in policing a fast paced, crowded and anonymous environment. A number of participants also noted their discomfort with the focus on reporting, highlighting that this rhetoric places the onus to ‘deal with’ sexual harassment on those who have experienced it, which can be at the worst traumatic and at the least time consuming and tiring.
- How does sexual harassment disrupt women’s mobilities and freedom in the city?
The impact on women’s mobilities and freedom is nuanced and varied. For some, incidents led to a temporary fear of using the tube and public transport more broadly. Others became more anxious and ‘paranoid’ during rush hours when they were surrounded by people, or alternately had an increased fear of using the network at night. This increase in anxiety led women to curtail their movements in the city (leaving parties early, arriving late to work). Others recognised that whilst it did not directly change their travel patterns, it made them more aware of the potential risks, and reminded them that they were women in a public space, and took away their sense of ownership of the city. This helps to recognise that we should move away from debates that frame women as vulnerable and passive, and rather pay attention to how we have to constantly negotiate and make a claim for public space. Finally, we should recognise that the impact on women’s mobilities and movement in the city is not as simple as ‘never using the tube again’, but rather it impacts how women experience public space (as a place of danger or safety) on a daily basis.
5. With regards to intersections of gender, race, age and sexuality, there few notable mentions. All women I interviewed were between the ages of 21 and 45, and were of differing ethnicities and sexualities. A number of women of colour, when talking about their experiences said that whilst some incidents throughout their lives had been racially motivated or a blurred combination, the ones we spoke about were, they felt, about their gender. Whilst I only interviewed women over 18 for this study, three women recounted experiences that happened to them in their early teens. One of whom said it was ‘the first time I was looked at like that, in a sexual way’ (this man then put his hand up her skirt- she was 12) and said her fear from this incident has impacted her discomfort with the tube to this day. The other was trapped in a carriage alone with a man who was masturbating (she was 14 and in her school uniform). Neither one told anyone about the experience until they were in their 30’s, at the time not fully understanding the situation, and both partly blaming themselves. Finally, a number of women over 40 described how they felt more confident in challenging harassment now than when they were younger. They said they were angry, not scared and had spent too much time being silent about everyday sexism and harassment.
6. Finally, please find hyperlinks to:
January 2018
[1] TfL Annual Safety and Security Report (2013/14) Online at: http://content.tfl.gov.uk/safety-and-security-annual-report-2013-14.pdf