All rights reserved. Third parties may only reproduce this paper or parts of it for academic, educational or research purposes or where the prior consent of Age UK has been obtained for influencing or developing policy and practice.
This submission may be published by the House of Lords Select Committee on Financial Exclusion.
David Steele
Policy Manager Financial Services
Lucy Malenczuk
Senior Policy Manager
Age UK is a charitable company limited by guarantee and registered in England (registered charity number 1128267 and registered company number 6825798). The registered address is Tavis House
1-6 Tavistock Square, London WC1H 9NA.
Summary
The older population
What is financial exclusion? (Qs 1-4)
Who are the financially excluded and how many older people are affected? (Q2)
Table 1: Indicators of financial exclusion of older people in the UK
Indicator | Percentage of reference group | Number |
Pensioners with incomes below the poverty line | 14% | 1.6 million |
People aged 50+ excluded from all financial services on ELSA 2015 measure | 2.6% | 607,000 |
People aged 65+ not reporting access to a transactional bank account (ELSA 2015) | 9.3% | 1.1 million |
People aged 80+ who never use a credit or debit card to buy things | 28% | 870,000 |
People aged 65+ with lowest scores on financial capability scale | 19% | 2.2 million |
People aged 80+ finding it difficult to get to a bank or post office to use counter services | 24% | 760,000 |
People aged 80+ concerned about the impact of branch closures on access to counter services | 19% | 575,000 |
People aged 55+ who are not recent users of the Internet | 30% | 5.8 million |
People aged 75+ who are not recent users of the Internet | 61% | 3.2 million |
People aged 80+ not using Internet banking | 93% | 2.9 million |
People aged 65+ not reporting purchase of home contents insurance | 30% | 3.5 million |
People aged 65+ not reporting purchase of buildings insurance | 43% | 4.9 million |
People aged 65+ experiencing difficulty with five or more activities of daily living | 7% | 840,000 |
People in the UK with dementia (all ages) | 1.3% | 850,000 |
Sources: See Appendix.
Note: The above numbers are overlapping rather than additive. Being drawn from different sources, it is not possible to identify the exact number of individuals affected by multiple measures of financial exclusion.
What are the causes of financial exclusion? (Q1)
a. mainstream financial services that do not meet the needs of older consumers e.g. banking services move online without suitable alternatives and older people who are not confident internet users are excluded from directly participating in the system and can only access through family and friends;
b. financial services discriminate directly against older consumers, e.g. in insurance and mortgage lending; or
c. older people who do not have sufficient financial capability to be adequately included, this could be because of changes in the external world, changes in their own circumstances, low confidence, or inability to access information and advice.
Age discrimination in access to financial services
Impact of pensions freedoms
Scams
What policies and strategies should be adopted to address financial exclusion? (Qs 5-13)
Other Matters
Personal responsibility for financial inclusion (Q7)
Government role in relation to Fintech (Q14)
An appendix with the supporting research for this submission follows.
(end)
Appendix: Supporting Research
A1. Measuring financial exclusion of older people in the UK (Q2)
A1.1 The poverty measure of exclusion
According to DWP, 1.6 million pensioners in the UK have incomes below the poverty line, with a further 1.2 million having incomes just above the poverty line.[11] This continuing level of pensioner poverty reflects three things in particular:
A1.2 Measuring exclusion from financial services
In 2012 the International Longevity Centre (ILC) published a study of the financial exclusion of older people in 2002 and 2008 based on analysis of the English Longitudinal Study of Ageing (ELSA), which surveys a large sample of people aged 50+. In terms of single measures of exclusion, ILC found that 8.5% of older people in 2008 did not report having a current account and, on a multi-product measure of exclusion, the exclusion rate was 6.8%.[12] This equated to 1.26 million people in England and Wales in 2008.
Since the ILC report was written, Wave 7 of ELSA, for the year 2015, has become available. Table A1 shows the percentage of people aged 50+ not reporting use of selected financial produces in 2015:
Table A1: Percentage of people aged 50+ not reporting use of selected financial products in 2015
Product | Percentage of people aged 50+ not reporting use of product | Number of people aged 50+ not reporting use of product |
Current account | 8.2% | 1.9 million |
Savings account | 38.2% | 9.0 million |
ISA | 43.5% | 10.3 million |
Stocks and shares | 75.1% | 17.7 million |
Unit and investment trusts | 93.6% | 22.1 million |
Bonds and gilts | 92.7% | 21.9 million |
Private pension | 48.5% | 11.5 million |
Life insurance | 65.2% | 15.4 million |
Financially excluded on ILC composite measure | 3.1% | 740,000 |
None of financial products listed in ELSA | 2.6% | 607,000 |
ELSA, Wave 7, 2015[13] The total UK population aged 50+ in 2015 was 23,628,900 (ONS)
Table A2 shows the same measures for people aged 65+:
Table A2: Percentage of people aged 65+ not reporting use of selected financial products in 2015
Product | Percentage of people aged 65+ not reporting use of product | Number of people aged 65+ not reporting use of product |
Current account | 9.3% | 1.1 million |
Savings account | 9.3% | 1.1 million |
ISA | 38.7% | 4.5 million |
Stocks and shares | 76.1% | 8.8 million |
Unit and investment trusts | 92.8% | 10.8 million |
Bonds and gilts | 90.7% | 10.5 million |
Private pension | 27.6% | 3.2 million |
Life insurance | 74.0% | 8.6 million |
Financially excluded on ILC composite measure | 2.7% | 314,000 |
None of financial products listed in ELSA | 2.0% | 230,000 |
ELSA, Wave 7, 2015. The total UK population aged 65+ in 2015 was 11,611,200 (ONS)
A1.3 Importance of the cash economy and access to cash
For those without a current account, the options are to work and live exclusively in cash, use a Simple Payment card or open a Post Office Card Account (POCA), which is a means of receiving state pension and benefits and withdrawing cash. At the end of 2014, 2.5 million people, over half of whom were pensioners, had POCAs.[14]
One persistent finding of Age UK and other research[15] into the financial behaviour of older people is the degree to which many older people still operate in cash, not only to pay bills but also to do their budgeting. For example, a recent study of the over-80s by the Finance Foundation[16] found that 21% never pay bills by direct debit or standing order, 28% never use a debit or credit card and 87% never use the Internet for banking or shopping, as shown in Table A4.
Table A4: Survey participants aged 80+ who never use the named methods of making transactions
Transaction type | % aged 80+ who never use | Estimated number |
Write cheques | 46% | 1.4 million |
Take out cash | 7% | 218,000 |
Pay bills by direct debit or standing order | 21% | 653,000 |
Use debit or credit card to pay for things | 28% | 871,000 |
Pay over the phone | 79% | 2.5 million |
Use Internet for banking or shopping | 87% | 2.7 million |
Use cashback when shopping | 59% | 1.8 million |
Total population aged 80+ in 2015 |
| 3.1 million |
Source: Cooper 2016, p 18.
For people who operate almost exclusively in cash, cash has the benefits of being tactile and tangible. It can be arranged physically, for example in jam jars or in specific pockets of a purse, to help plan payments and avoid going into deficit and incurring high overdraft charges.[17] While this might seem anachronistic to a financially sophisticated reader, for the people concerned it can be a positive decision, avoiding the risks and complexity of credit and new technologies.
Cash is also vital even for those who do use other payment methods. Many cash payments will be small person to person payments e.g. paying a share of a car ride, a small amount for coffee at a day centre or small gifts. These payments may be relatively hidden and because small can be easily forgotten, however they are essential enablers of social inclusion and independence.
Given the importance of cash, it is necessary to look carefully at the means people have for accessing cash. Bank branches, post offices and ATMs are essential for access to cash. The free ATM network has improved in recent years, but bank branch networks are shrinking and smaller post offices, due to limited resources, are patchy in their performance. Age UK increasingly hears of communities that have lost all their bank branches, creating significant difficulties for local businesses and stranded customers, many of whom are in the older age group. Stranded customers are also affected by limited bus networks, sometimes making a visit to a bank branch a major round trip or, on occasion, impossible. Banks encourage people to shift to Internet or phone banking, but cash cannot be withdrawn by either of these channels.
Regarding ATMs, people over the age of 75 report that they are reluctant to use on-street ATMs because they are concerned about security.[18] Cooper 2016 found that only 14% of survey participants aged 85+ would use an on-street ATM, while 30% would use an ATM only in a bank or post office.[19] In this age group, 29% had never used an ATM and 17% avoided using one if possible. This means there needs to be an emphasis not only on availability of ATMs, but on the safe location of ATMs from the point of view of the older user.
A1.4 Financial capability and exclusion
There have been many surveys of financial capability in the UK, with the results tending to show that a large proportion of the population has limited financial skills, even when tested on what might be considered simple questions involving addition, subtraction, percentages and basic financial or economic knowledge.[20]
Addressing the financial exclusion of older people, Sinclair et al 2016 report that 9.2% of people aged 55-59 had the lowest scores on a simple six question test included in the English Longitudinal Study of Ageing (ELSA). This rate rises with age until 31.9% of those aged 85+ had the lowest score in the same test.[21] This age-related decline is consistent with findings in the scientific literature that show that on average financially-related cognitive skills decline with age.[22]
Applying the age-related financial capability table in Sinclair et al 2016 to ONS’s UK population estimates by age group suggests that around 2.2 million people aged 65+ would be in the lowest scoring bracket on the ELSA financial capability measure. The Money Advice Service’s 2015 financial capability survey paints a broadly similar picture. For example, MAS found that only 66% of older people in retirement were able to answer correctly basic financial skills and knowledge questions, falling to 53% of those aged 75+.[23]
It may be that the impact of declining test scores is mitigated by the way older people choose to manage their money. It is therefore especially important that older people are enabled to use their full range of coping strategies and not further restricted by service design.
Age UK’s experience, as well as research evidence, suggests that it is hard to teach financial capability in the abstract. People tend to seek assistance when they are facing a life event or challenging situation, and the assistance given needs to be of a concrete, problem-solving nature.[24] Sinclair et al 2016 say that ‘financial education may therefore be part of a solution at the margin, but it is by no means a silver bullet.’ We note that evidence on financial capability is currently limited and that much more needs to be learned about how to help people to change their behaviour in this area.
In this context it should be noted that a large majority of the UK population do not access paid-for financial advice. ILC 2015, based on analysis of the Wealth and Assets Survey, found that only 4.9% of the UK population aged 16+ had taken advice from an Independent Financial Adviser (IFA) in the previous two years. Of those who had purchased a financial product the rate of taking IFA advice was 11.25%.[25] Thus paid-for financial advice is unlikely to play a large role in improving financial capability, especially for those who are financially excluded on other measures.
A1.5 Physical access and exclusion
Postcode level data on bank branches, post offices, ATMs and population by age would be required to identify the precise number of older people affected by distance to counter services or the impact of bank branch closures. However an estimate can be made from the Cooper 2016 survey of the financial practices of those aged 80+. Of the survey participants, 74% reported that they used counter services to take out cash and, of these, one third were finding it difficult to get to a bank or post office branch and over a quarter were concerned about the impact of branch closures on access.[26] Such concerns were also reported in the 2016 Age UK report, Age-friendly banking – what it is and how to do it.[27]
Applying Cooper 2016’s percentages to the ONS UK population data by age, it can be estimated that 760,000 people aged 80+ were finding it difficult to get to a bank branch or post office to access counter services and 575,000 people aged 80+ were concerned about the impact of branch closures on such access.
A1.6 Digital access measure and exclusion
Access to the Internet is strongly associated with age, with the latest (2016) ONS statistics showing that while 88% of people aged 55-64 describe themselves as recent users of the Internet, this rate drops to 74% of those aged 65-74 and 39% of those aged 75+.[28] Among older people, Internet use is associated with social class, with the ‘DE’ social group having a significantly higher non-use rate than average.[29] There is also a slight gender bias, with older men having a somewhat higher Internet use rate than older women.[30] This may in part reflect the over-representation of women among the oldest old.
Converting the above percentages into numbers using ONS’s 2015 population estimates suggests that 5.8 million people aged 55+ (out of a total of 19 million) are not recent users of the Internet. Of these non-users, 3.2 million are aged 75+.[31]
Factors contributing to this high rate of non-use are: unfamiliarity with computer technology and the Internet, cost (for those on low incomes), poor availability of broadband in many rural and semi-rural areas, lack of age-friendly design and security concerns about the Internet.[32] Security concerns are a particular factor deterring older people from engaging with Internet and mobile banking. For example, Cooper 2016 found that only 7% of her sample of people aged 80+ were ‘active Internet bankers’, while fewer than half of those who used the Internet for banking or shopping were doing so more often than once a month. Respondents reported ‘widespread concerns about either making mistakes or being caught out by fraud.’[33]
While there has been some improvement in Internet participation rates from year to year, the rate of change, particularly among those aged 75+, is not fast, suggesting that it will be many years until Internet use becomes ubiquitous among the oldest old. Age UK’s 2015 research into the digitally excluded found that the barriers to Internet uptake among some older people were high and that programmes to change this would need to be sustained and well resourced.[34]
A1.7 Impact of physical or cognitive ageing
Physical and/or cognitive changes can impact ability to access financial services. Data from the English Longitudinal Study of Ageing suggest that the proportion of people with five or more difficulties with activities of daily living rises from around 3% in the 65-69 age group to around 20% at age 90.[35] Age UK regularly hears about the difficulties such people have in accessing financial services, where problems with mobility, dexterity, stamina, hearing, vision and cognition can combine into very high practical hurdles in accessing transactional banking or selecting new products.[36] Applying the above percentages to the ONS UK population estimates for 2015 suggests that around 840,000 people aged 65+ in the UK are affected by five or more difficulties with activities of everyday living.
Normal age-related cognitive decline has an impact on financial capability. Mild cognitive impairment can severely affect interaction with money and financial services.[37] The extent to which this limits an individual’s ability to manage their money will depend significantly on the design of the services they use and the other support available to them. It is not inevitable that ageing means that we will become unable to manage our own finances.
The onset of dementia makes independent financial management increasingly impractical and forces a person to be reliant on others for financial management via Power of Attorney or a Court of Protection Deputyship Order. According to the Alzheimer’s Society, there are 850,000 people in the UK with dementia.[38] These people depend on unpaid carers and other forms of assistance to conduct their financial affairs, meaning that the methods and convenience (or not) of third party assistance affect probably more than two million people at any given time.
A3 Financial exclusion arising from the incomplete digital transition (Q1)
A salient feature of the UK in 2016 is the incomplete nature of the digital transition, particularly as it affects older people. While Internet use is almost universal among people in their twenties and thirties, a majority of the over-75s and a large minority of the 65-75s are still not online.[39] Non-participation in the Internet by people aged 65+ is a product of the cost (out of low incomes) of Internet access and devices, unfamiliarity, lack of age-friendly design, age-related disabilities and security fears. Together, for some older people, these factors create an insurmountable barrier.[40]
Furthermore, the Internet itself is not yet ubiquitous in the UK. There are many rural and semi-rural areas that have Internet and/or mobile black-spots or low running speeds, which make a satisfactory Internet experience difficult or impossible.[41] It is hard to persuade people to try something new when the infrastructure itself is not yet of a quality standard.
A3.1 Closure of bank branches
Despite the large number of people who are not Internet-enabled, banks are closing branches at a high rate. It has been reported that 1700 branches have closed in the last five years[42] and further closure programmes have been announced in 2016. Branches are closing even in busy tourist locations such as Glastonbury and Windermere. While banks report low footfall in their closing branches, this is contradicted by observers and community groups who report that closing branches are often busy.[43]
Participants in Age UK workshops tell us that face-to-face services are important for them[44] and Cooper 2016 reports that a high proportion of people aged 80+ have concerns about bank branch closures or are already having difficulty accessing bank branches and post offices.[45]
At the moment, the contradiction between analogue reduction and digital exclusion is insuperable, leaving many older people in a very difficult situation. To bridge the divide, new thinking is needed. There could be solutions involving:
Whether solutions will be found by the industry acting voluntarily remains to be seen. Age UK suggests that the government will need to be pro-active to ensure that all older people can conveniently maintain access to banking services in the years immediately ahead.
A3.2 Digital exclusion and switching for ‘best deals’
Digital exclusion has an additional impact, hampering offline people from gaining access to the best offers for financial services such as savings and insurance and other services such as energy and telecommunications. Service providers are increasingly separating their customer base into ‘active’ and ‘passive’ customers, offering cheaper deals for the former while raising prices to the latter. This practice is known as ‘demand-based price discrimination’, ‘inertia pricing’ or ‘price optimisation’ and is particularly prevalent in the market for insurance.[46] It is also seen in other markets, such as current accounts and savings accounts, where offers are made to ‘switchers’ while loyal customers pay more or earn less for the same service.[47]
In such markets, digital access, digital skills and financial capability are essential for accessing best price offers and those who cannot do this are excluded from the leading value channel in many contemporary financial and product markets. Empirically it has been found that older people are over-represented in non-switching customer groups.[48]
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[1] ONS 2015.
[2] ONS population projections, Oct 2015.
[3] Calculated from ONS population and spending data by age.
[4] DWP Pensioners’ Income Series 2014/15.
[5] ONS Wealth and Assets Survey, Dec 2015.
[6] Kneale 2012.
[7] A new provision in the 2016 version of the ABI/BIBA/HMG signposting agreement requires BIBA to produce a report on successful and unsuccessful referrals, but the first edition of this is yet to appear.
[8] EHRC 2016, p 51.
[9] DWP, Workplace pensions: update on analysis on Automatic Enrolment 2016
[10] For example, Thomas 2012.
[11] http://www.ageuk.org.uk/professional-resources-home/policy/money-matters/poverty-and-inequality/
[12] Kneale 2012, pp 37-38. The multi-product measure used a scoring system based on the number of financial products accessed.
[13] Queried by Age UK Research Unit.
[14] https://www.gov.uk/government/news/post-office-service-for-pensioners-and-benefit-claimants-to-be-safeguarded-with-new-government-contract
[15] See for example Age UK 2011.
[16] Cooper 2016.
[17] Cooper 2016 p 25; Age UK 2011 p 16.
[18] Age UK 2011, p 45; Toynbee Hall & Policis 2013, pp 10 and 31.
[19] Cooper 2016, p 21.
[20] For example, Ipsos MORI 2015; Lloyds Bank 2016.
[21] Sinclair et al 2016, p 3.
[22] For example Salthouse 2004. The Edinburgh University ‘Disconnected Mind’ project, part funded by Age UK, has shown that there is a significant dispersion around the average results for cognitive function in older age.
[23] MAS 2015, p 51.
[24] Age UK 2015a, p 14; Sinclair et al 2016, p 4; Spencer et al 2015, p 42.
[25] ILC 2015, p 5.
[26] Cooper 2016, p 22.
[27] Age UK 2016, pp 11, 27, 29.
[28] ONS 2016, Figure 1.
[29] Age UK 2016, based on Ofcom data.
[30] ONS 2016.
[31] Age UK calculations using ONS 2015 population estimates and ONS 2016 Internet use estimates.
[32] Age UK 2016.
[33] Cooper 2016, p 15.
[34] Age UK 2015b, pp 5, 39-41.
[35] Mortimer & Green 2015, p 15.
[36] See for example Vass 2016; Toynbee Hall & Policis 2012.
[37] Lichtenberg 2016.
[38] https://www.alzheimers.org.uk/site/scripts/documents_info.php?documentID=535&pageNumber=2
[39] ONS 2016.
[40] Age UK 2015b.
[41] See map at: http://researchbriefings.files.parliament.uk/documents/SN06643/SN06643.pdf
[42] Treanor 2016, based on figures collected by the Campaign for Community Banking Services.
[43] For example Prestridge 2016.
[44] Age UK 2016
[45] Cooper 2016, p 22.
[46] Thomas 2012; Minty 2016.
[47] For example, Which? 2016.
[48] Thomas 2012.