Written evidence from British Muslim Initiative (ISL0002)
The ideology and practice of the Muslim Brotherhood
Dr Daud Abdullah
British Muslim Initiative (BMI)
Summary
This submission to the Foreign Affairs Committee on political Islam deals specifically with the ideology and practice of the Muslim Brotherhood. It offers a brief historical overview of the movement. In the ensuing sections, the author addresses several of the allegations made against the Brotherhood, both abroad and in Britain. It concludes by asserting that the adherents to this school of thought, inspired as they are by a deep faith, have contributed positively to the political life, cultural diversity and social harmony of British society.
You will, no doubt, enter a phase of trial; you will be imprisoned, killed, persecuted and exiled. Your properties will be taken away from you, your work will be disrupted and your homes will be searched. This period of trial may be extended, but God has promised you after all this success of those who strive and a reward for the righteous workers.[1]
Imam Hassan Al-Banna
1.1. The demise of the Ottoman caliphate in 1924 had far-reaching consequences for Muslims everywhere. The Islamic state was thereafter divided and split into a number of small nation-states, which paved the way for a period of western political, military and cultural dominance. Against this background, Imam Hassan Al-Banna founded the Muslim Brotherhood in 1928 with the aim of reviving the Muslim nation.
1.2. Initially, the organisation focused on charitable work, morals and the revival of Islam. It then grew quickly to become a major political and social force in Egypt during the 1940s and early 1950s.
1.3. According to its ideology, reform, political change and improvement of the conditions of the Muslim nation [umma] was best achieved through a gradual process consisting of three stages: first, informing people from all social levels of the ideology of the movement; second, recruiting people, while continuing to raise their level of awareness and the need to be active in seeking change and reform; and third, implementing the ideals of the movement through its political, social and religious programmes.[2]
1.4. Al-Banna was clear from the beginning that his movement was not just a philosophical, political or social reform vehicle. To Brotherhood members, politics and religion are viewed as compatible spheres of activity, indeed aspects of an indivisible Islam.
1.5. Historically, the Muslim Brotherhood had a special appeal to three main groups: the youth; the rural masses, who benefited from its health clinics and schools; and other Arabs such as the Palestinians who were supported in their national struggle against occupation and colonisation.
1.6. By the mid-1940s the Brotherhood’s headquarters had become a rendezvous for all the regional liberation movements which sought independence from western colonial rule. As it transpired, the Muslim Brotherhood’s military intervention in Palestine in 1948 was against the interests of western powers, which from that point onward called for its dissolution. Meanwhile, the Egyptian government felt threatened by the Ikhwan, as it is known in Arabic, especially after Al-Banna organised a paramilitary force, Tandhim al-Khass, to resist Israel’s occupation of Palestine in 1948.[3]
1.7. At the time of Al-Banna’s assassination in February 1949, the Muslim Brotherhood had become an extremely important and powerful organisation. Evidence of its vast influence was clear, with more than 2,000 branches all over Egypt and 2,000 societies for charitable and social services. It ran health clinics, sports clubs, schools and other educational institutes, mosques and Islamic centres, and had a presence of 10,000 army volunteers in Palestine.[4]
1.8. Until January 2011, when the Mubarak dictatorship was overthrown, the Brotherhood was arguably the most cohesive political force in Egypt, with an unparalleled ability to mobilise its followers.[5]
2.1. By its nature, Islam is open and not closed to any geographic sphere; neither to the east, nor to the west. It is a way of life that addresses all people.
2.2. “And We have not sent you, O Muhammad, except as a mercy to the worlds.” [Al-Qur’an 21:107]
2.3. Islam is a universal faith that seeks to invite mankind to unity, brotherhood, justice and moderation. Muslims are obliged to engage in dialogue but not any type of dialogue; one that is based on good manners.
2.4. “Invite to the way of your lord with wisdom and good instruction, and argue with them in a way that is best.” [16:125]
2.5. The Muslim Brotherhood's ideology has matured in a manner that can be described as "flexible consistency"; it is flexible to the demands of the changing political climate but consistent in placing Islamic principles at the core of its ideological visionary message. Millions of Muslims around the world, including the United Kingdom, are affiliated to this school of thought. Many of these are well-placed in their communities and are usually highly qualified in their professions.
2.6. The Brotherhood under Al-Banna set out the core Islamic principles that have survived throughout the movement's history: complete trust in Allah and the Qur'an, and in the sayings and deeds of the Prophet (peace be upon him); straightforwardness; virtue; and knowledge of the religion. It is the responsibility of every Muslim to earn his living; be charitable to the poor and needy; support fellow Muslims financially; and be responsible to one's family in terms of their health, creed and character.
2.7. Al Banna described the movement’s approach as one that combines religious preaching with grass-roots mobilisation and activism based on a comprehensive understanding of Islam. In that sense, he identified the Brotherhood as being a Salafi message, a Sufi way, a political entity, an athletic group, a culture and knowledge league, an economic enterprise and a social school of thought.
2.8. On a personal level, Imam Hassan Al-Banna contested parliamentary elections twice in the 1940s, though he never made it into parliament. He listed three reasons for running: spreading the Islamic call (Da’wa) through politics; exposing the weakness of the existing political parties; and challenging the government’s restrictive policies.[6]
2.9. Despite Al-Banna’s clear endorsement of western parliamentary democracy, he vehemently opposed the partisan politics (or what he called hizbiyya) that prevailed under the British occupation of Egypt, on the grounds that it only led to factionalism and disunity. This, he argued, further weakened the nation and strengthened the occupying power.[7]
2.10. He encouraged his followers to live according to the demands of their age and interact with their realities, looking at things scientifically and objectively. With regard to the Muslim lands, he believed that they had the right to live according to Islamic law, values and standards.
2.11. Throughout its long history, the Muslim Brotherhood has been accused of many things. While it is important to emphasise that the Brotherhood is not a community of angels, many of the allegations against it are patently false. They include: autocratic tendencies, terrorism, intellectual bankruptcy, political incompetence, exploitation of religion, sectarianism, fascism, laxity and extremism.
3.1. The Muslin Brotherhood conducts its affairs on two premises: the rules of Allah and shura (consultation). Its consultative process intersects with democracy and respects the views of the majority, without denying the rights of the minority. The movement believes political opposition is necessary to develop the political system and it does not represent a form of rebellion against it or a threat to its stability and unity.
3.2. The relationship between the ruler and the people, as described by Al-Banna, is a “social contract” where the ruler is a “trustee” and “agent” who conveys a sense of accountability and limited authority without any exclusive divine right.
3.3. He cited two systems as potential models to be adopted: the British parliamentary pattern, and the American presidential one. Although he did not object to the former, he favoured the latter model of government as more representative of public will, probably because of the corrupted Egyptian parliamentary system at that time.[8]
4.1. In its most popular usage, terrorism is an accusation made by the powerful against the weak as an excuse to commit the ugliest forms of injustices against them. They often do so while making the claim to be combating terrorism. Because this term has not been properly defined, it invariably allows tyrants to justify their tyranny by distorting the image of their victims.
4.2. Despite the fact that its members have been the victims of terrorism for decades, the Brotherhood has been branded with the label. Many have accused the movement of supporting terrorism both in words and deeds, without offering any conclusive and verifiable evidence.
4.3. During the period 1954-1965 the Brotherhood’s members were subjected to persecution and torture in Egyptian prisons; many members died or were killed behind bars. Yet once they were released their torturers still walked the streets of Egypt. The victims of this torture never harmed them verbally or physically, although the identities of their persecutors were known.
4.4. When some members of the Muslim Brotherhood who were in prison at the time tried to declare their torturers to be non-believers, the leaders in the prison rejected the move. Indeed, the second general guide of the Brotherhood, Hassan Al-Hudaybi, wrote a now famous treatise titled, "Preachers, Not Judges" (Du'at la Qudat), and then gave these individuals the choice to abandon the idea of declaring others as non-believers or leave the movement, which is what actually happened.
4.5. It is ironic that one of the most striking rebuttals to this claim came from within the Egyptian political establishment itself. Former president Hosni Mubarak told the French newspaper Le Monde that some Islamic movements in Egypt prefer political work over violence and that they have entered the mainstream doctors’, engineers’ and lawyers’ syndicates. This remark was a clear reference to the Muslim Brotherhood, which for many years won successive elections for the leadership of these syndicates. The state-owned Al Ahram newspaper reported the news on its front page on 1 November, 1993.
4.6. Nevertheless, under the Mubarak regime nearly 50,000 members were detained. A large number of their leaders were tried in military courts, had their assets seized, and were subjected to torture in prisons and the state security headquarters. Despite all of this, they did not resort to violence or use arms; instead, they remained patient.
5.1. This is a term that has been popularised largely by the media and political class in the west, as well as research institutions. The same popularity was given to the term fundamentalism in the late 1980s and early 1990s. These can, however, be misleading. In this instance the term political Islam gives the impression that Islam is essentially about morals and rituals only. The term can be so misleading that someone who is ill-informed may believe that its proponents are trying to use religion to support their political positions. At the same time, it implies that “political Islamists” use the faith to give their views a measure of acceptability and authority. This was the experience of the theocratic governments in Europe during the Medieval Age and it is one of the tools used to attack the Muslim Brotherhood.
5.2. The Muslim Brotherhood takes its principle from the belief that there is no sacredness or infallibility for any human being, as the first caliph of Islam said: “I was given authority over you and I am not the best among you. Obey me if I obey God and disobey me if I disobey Him.”
6.1. The Brotherhood attaches great importance to human rights. It is central to the movement’s beliefs and religious practice and rooted in Islamic principles.
6.2. “And We have certainly honoured the children of Adam and carried them on the land and sea and provided for them of the good things and preferred them over much of what We have created, with [definite] preference.” [17:70]
6.3. The Muslim Brotherhood has made these principles the cornerstone of its thought and programme. It has propagated them and worked for their implementation. It believes that the freedom and dignity of the human being is a condition for growth, innovation and progress. Accordingly, respect for human rights is a condition for the achievement of international peace and stability.
6.4. On a practical level, the Brotherhood upholds the Islamic principle of “what secures the interest is good and what corrupts public interests is bad.” That is to say, pursue and secure the common good and repel harm. In this context, it has chosen to work, at all times, within the established institutions and mechanisms to bring about social change rather than their destruction.
6.5. The Muslim Brotherhood does not espouse violence as a means. The Machiavellian principle of “by any means necessary” does not feature in its methodology; rather, it believes that, “The noble goals are achieved by the noble means.”
6.6. It is regrettable that successive Egyptian regimes have dealt with both moderate reformists and those who adopted violence in the same way. They removed the elected president and his party after they won five elections. Despite having been removed from power by force, the extrajudicial killing of their children, the incarceration of their leaders, the confiscation of their assets and property, the Brotherhood’s officials have maintained a peaceful method of protest and ordered its members and sympathisers to refrain from any violent reaction to the violence perpetrated against them.
7.1. The Muslim Brotherhood and its Coptic Christian brothers and sisters have been on good terms for 85 years, and there was never a problem between the two parties throughout that period. Even so, the Brotherhood is well aware that there are those who want to spark the fire of sectarian incitement amongst the people, and so always seeks to extinguish this fire and keep the relationship within a human and natural context.
7.2. Rafiq Habib, a Coptic Christian intellectual, joined the Brotherhood as its second vice-president, effectively making him third-in-command. Another 93 Copts signed on to the party with him.
7.3. Dr Habib, who has studied Islamist movements since the 1980s, said: "I think joining the party is for the benefit of Christians in Egypt. If we don't overcome the gap between Christians and Islamic movements, especially moderate ones, we have a problem. And I think joining one of the biggest parties will help that."
7.4. The school of thought of the Muslim Brotherhood is espoused by mainstream political parties in several Muslim countries. Some of these parties have participated in democratic elections, won and formed governments in Tunisia, Turkey, Morocco and Indonesia.
7.5. There is some validity in accusing the Morsi government of economic under-performance and lack of political sensitivity, but to argue that it behaved in a non-democratic manner is to ignore the fact that the Brotherhood was making efforts to reinstate elected political institutions rather than abolish them. Despite legal challenges, the movement wanted parliament to be restored and maintained that the constituent assembly was a direct reflection of the votes given in elections.
7.6. It has demonstrated the ability to adapt and change to different social, economic and political circumstances and, therefore, can continue to do so.
8.1. It is to the advantage of Muslims and the west that there should be a Muslim presence in Europe. They engage with Europeans without any intermediaries. There should be coexistence based on tolerance not prejudice or denial, and dialogue instead of a clash of civilisations such as some have propagated.
8.2. Because of its peaceful approach and mainstream outlook, the Brotherhood has not been favoured by the extreme groups in the locations where they function. Al-Qaida in particular considers the Brotherhood deviant because it rejects the tactics and ideas espoused by the “jihadist” group and its manifestations.
8.3. The Muslim presence in the west can serve as a link to the east able to remove misunderstandings and misconceptions. As such, we welcome this opportunity to present this overview. Across Europe and the UK there are many institutions that adhere to the Brotherhood school of thought and these invariably have contributed to constructive dialogue with other communities and always stressed positive engagement by Muslims in the societies in which they live.
8.4. It is, however, disappointing that the British government should order a review into the ideology and activities of the Brotherhood while avoiding any investigation of the military regime that has conducted unspeakable human rights violations against the Egyptian people since the overthrow of President Morsi last year.
8.5. British Muslims who espouse the thought of the Muslim Brotherhood have played a constructive and meaningful role in society. They have engaged at all levels and actively discouraged cultural isolation and insularity. They must mix and participate without losing their cultural identity. To the same degree that they have asserted their religious and cultural presence proudly, they also seek to participate in the political life of the United Kingdom by voting and seeking office to serve the common good. Ultimately, they believe that the conscience of the nation and awareness of the public will vindicate their ideology and conduct.
April 2016
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