Written evidence submitted by Westminster City Council [HOL 84]

1. Introduction

1.1              Westminster City Council welcomes the opportunity to respond to this enquiry. Our submission focuses on statutory homelessness and rough sleeping. Although these issues are interrelated, they have different causes and we have distinct responses to address them.   Our submission is an individual one but we have shared it with Kensington and Chelsea and Wandsworth councils as we share many of same issues - as central London boroughs managing high homeless demand in areas where housing is expensive and the cost of providing services is high. We have drawn up our comments in consultation with each other and broadly endorse the views each other have expressed.

1.2              Summary of our asks

That supply of social and supported housing does not reduce as a result of the national policy changes:

 

1.3              That homelessness legislation and guidance is reviewed and there is a fair financial settlement:

2. Differing causes of homelessness for households, couples and single people in Westminster

2.1              Statutory Homelessness

Westminster’s homelessness acceptances are in the top ten boroughs in London. In 2014/15, approximately 75% of the 617 households accepted as homeless in Westminster were families and 25% were single people. The largest single cause of homelessness for both singles and families who were accepted as homeless in 2014/15[1] was eviction from the private rented sector (which includes homelessness as a result of benefits shortfalls) and this has been the trend for the past three years. The second largest cause for both singles and families was disputes with family/ partners or friends (non-violent). However, it is important to note that for single homeless people, another significant cause of homelessness was leaving hospital. 

 

2.2              Westminster has the largest private rented sector (PRS) in England and rents are extremely high. The main cause of eviction from the PRS is that landlords are able to command rents at levels that are increasingly unaffordable to low income households, particularly for those who make up the majority of those presenting as homeless  - those who are not working and are on benefits.  As table 1 shows, rents in Westminster are well above allowable Local Housing Allowance (LHA) rates (upon which Housing Benefit is based). It also shows that the majority of rents are unaffordable for non-working families within the benefit cap. This problem is most acute for larger, family-sized properties.

 

 

Table 1: Rents and interplay with benefits

Beds

LHA rate (capped)

Average Weekly Borough Median Market

Rent (GLA rents map)

Difference

 

Total weekly household  benefit cap

1

£260.64

£430 

£169.36

Current

£350 singles

£500 families

 

Future 

£350 singles

£442 families

2

£302.33

£600 

£297.67

3

£354.46

£891 

£536.54

4+

£417.02

£1100 

£682.98

2.3              Rough Sleeping

Westminster has the highest number of rough sleepers in the country. Some 2,570 people were seen rough sleeping in 2014/15 and 2,197 people in 2013/14[2]. Rough sleepers in Westminster broadly fall in two categories:

 

 

2.4              The causes of rough sleeping are complex for more entrenched rough sleepers and they often have complex and multiple needs. The identified support needs of rough sleepers that were assessed during 2014/15[3] were:

 

 

3. The relationship between homelessness and the availability of social housing

3.1              As table 2 shows, demand from homeless households has always outstripped the supply of social housing in Westminster, but this has become more acute since 2011 as homeless acceptances have risen and social supply has gone down. The result is that temporary accommodation numbers have increased and a family can now wait over ten years for a social rented home. Temporary accommodation is typically procured by the Council from the private rented sector. In practice, temporary accommodation is increasingly long term housing – the line between the two is becoming increasingly blurred.  

3.2              Opportunities to develop new social housing supply are limited in Westminster due to the cost and scarcity of land here and lack of available social housing grant, so on average the majority of permanent properties that become available are from relets (i.e. homes made available by existing tenants moving out). Proposed future policy changes relating to the sale of high value council stock to fund the Right to Buy in the housing association sector and policies supporting the provision of increased affordable home ownership are likely to reduce the future supply of social rented housing. The introduction of starter homes as a planning policy requirement which will count as affordable housing may impact the viability and capacity of development sites to deliver other forms of affordable housing.

Table 2: The relationship between social supply and homelessness

 

2009/10

2010/11

2011/12

2012/13

2013/14

2014/15

2015/16

(estimated)

Homeless acceptances

378

430

539

813

705

617

597

Social supply (new and relets)

963

824

783

790

665

704

791

No of lets to homeless households

534

662

391

425

344

360

313

Households in temporary accommodation

1,957

1,726

1,910

2,450

2,283

2,397

2,400

 

3.3              While the majority of social lets go to homeless households, the Council also has duties to rehouse other groups and it is only right that social housing should benefit a range of low income groups. Currently 4,500 households have priority for social housing of which 2,500 are homeless households.  The shortfall in social supply is exacerbated by the nature of Westminster’s stock. Currently 87% of homelessness households waiting for a home need family sized accommodation when 50% of the stock is studios and one bedrooms.   

Table 3: Average waiting times in Temporary Accommodation

Studio

1 bed

2 bed

3 bed

4/4+ bed

3 years

4 years

10 years

12.5 years

25 years

 

 

3.4              While the Council is doing everything it can to develop new social supply and to reconfigure stock so it better meets needs, the scale of homelessness means it cannot be addressed through new social housing alone. Local authorities need greater freedoms to make fuller use of their powers to discharge their rehousing duties to homeless households into private rented housing. This will enable households to become settled into more stable and affordable housing more quickly. We suggest how this can be done more effectively in more detail in the final section.      

 

3.5              It is also important that national policy changes do not result in an overall reduction of social supply i.e. that:

 

4. Steps to tackle homelessness and measures taken by local authorities to deal with homelessness

4.1              Statutory Homelessness

 

4.2              Prevention

On average 1,000 households apply for housing as homeless each year and homeless prevention is already the central focus of our work – this includes challenging illegal evictions, negotiating with private landlords, debt advice, supporting families to remain together, providing employment support and assisting with moves into the private rented sector.

4.3              Supported Housing

We provide a range of specialist supported housing services for a wide range of vulnerable groups, particularly people with mental health problems, learning disabilities, older people and rough sleepers, which are effective in preventing admissions to hospital, placements in residential care and homelessness. We are keen to work with Government to ensure that the services commissioned (which are principally provided by the voluntary sector) are not adversely affected by welfare reform changes, whilst ensuring that rental costs for individuals living there are reasonable and affordable.

 

4.4              A breakdown of our services is set out below:

 

Table 4: Supported housing units

Service Area

Units

Rough sleeper (hostel)

336

Single homeless

186

Mental Health

325

Learning Disability

156

Young People

149

Physical disability

10

Offenders

40

Domestic violence

45

Sheltered Housing

2113

Frail elderly

67

Floating support

600

Total

4027

 

4.5              Provision of temporary accommodation

Where homelessness cannot be avoided, temporary accommodation (TA) is provided which takes different forms. The Council has a range of contracts with providers to provide long term self-contained TA. However, the number of properties within TA subsidy levels is declining due to increases in private sector rents across London. We estimate we need a portfolio of temporary accommodation of 2,000 properties until at least 2020.

 

4.6              Developing new social supply

Over the past four years 343 new affordable homes have been developed by the Council and over the next three years we aim to develop 592 new social homes. A regeneration programme is also underway which will not only boost supply but also reconfigure existing stock so it better meets demand.  

 

 

 

4.7              Rough Sleeping

The Council commissions services to support vulnerable rough sleepers to find a lasting solution to their housing and support needs. Westminster’s location means we attract rough sleepers from across the UK and Europe and as a result, we commission services that support people who have a connection to Westminster. For those who do not have a connection, the services will offer a reconnection to a person’s home area.

 

4.8              Services for rough sleepers include:

 

4.9              Additionally we work with non-commissioned services such as faith based organisations and with the Home Office and Met Police. Our overall approach aims to strike a balance between supporting the most vulnerable and enforcement action to protect our communities from behaviours which can be associated with rough sleeping such as begging and anti-social behaviour.

5. The implications of the statutory duty of care, and possible extension to those in danger of homelessness, particularly single people

5.1              We understand the Committee is considering the Welsh Prevention Duty which places a duty on local authorities to help prevent homelessness and to provide private rented accommodation to all households regardless of priority need, local connection and intentionality. Homelessness prevention is already at the heart of our work and we support the principles of an approach which focuses on helping people at the earliest opportunity to prevent homelessness and a new responsibility for applicants to co-operate with the local authority.

 

5.2              However, further analysis must be undertaken to assess how a similar model might work in a central London context, particularly as Westminster has high homelessness levels and a high value private rented sector. Therefore, to better understand how a model might work in London, we would welcome a pilot of such an approach here before a move to change legislation. Furthermore, the final design of any scheme must take the following into account:

6. Different approaches to homelessness in big cities and in non-metropolitan areas

6.1              As stated above, a different approach is needed in London given the scale of the homelessness problem and the fact that the capital is in practice a single housing market area, with issues affecting housing and levels of homelessness that do not follow local authority boundaries. Within this, there is a need for a flexible approach that allows approaches to be tailored to a range of local circumstances - which may be different in central London from those in more suburban areas.

7. The re-establishment of the cross government Ministerial Working Group on Preventing and Tackling Homelessness

7.1              We would welcome the re-establishment of the cross government Ministerial Working Group on Preventing and Tackling Homelessness. Homelessness is a complex issue; the scale of the issue and its causes both change over time; the steps to deal with it effectively and the resources available change in turn. To date national government has been slow to change legislation and guidance to respond to these changes (the legislative framework remains in essence that introduced through the Housing (Homeless Persons) Act 1977; the current statutory guidance dates back to 2006). There is a need to keep these issues under constant review and to make changes where this can be shown to be necessary and a ministerial working group with an expectation of periodic public reports should help ensure that this issue is given a high profile within government and that fitting the tools available to meet the changing nature of the problem is clearly seen as a national priority.

8. How levels of homelessness are monitored and reported

8.1              The collection of accurate management information is essential to understand local and national trends. Current reporting methods could better capture the scale of the homelessness problem, including:

9. The effectiveness of current legislative framework in England with a review of the different approaches taken in Scotland and Wales

9.1              We believe that current homelessness legislation and guidance needs to be reviewed to be more aligned with the objectives of the Housing and Planning and Welfare and Work Bills and welcome government’s recent announcement in this area. We suggest a full review of homelessness legislation, regulation and guidance in the following key areas:

 

 

 

9.2              Additionally we suggested in our draft housing strategy that there should be a debate on a new approach to homelessness in London given the scale of the problem, with possibly a greater role for the Mayor. There was some support for this idea. A purely local response does not always result in the best outcomes for homeless households i.e. waits for a social home will always be longer where supply shortages are greater.  There is room for more regional pooling of resources and cross-boundary working to deliver economies of scale to help address issues that have national and regional dimensions as well as local ones.

 

9.3              Also boroughs with high land costs and limited space could do more to develop more social supply for homeless households if they had greater flexibilities to use their resources (i.e. Section 106 contributions) to develop homes beyond their boundaries. It would be helpful if planning legislation and guidance made clear that contributions secured to address local housing needs can be used beyond a local planning authority’s boundaries, reflecting the reality that after extension of the right to buy and encouraged sale of vacant high value council homes, there is likely to be more inter-borough working on affordable housing supply.  The legislative framework currently restricts the use of Section 106 funds to in borough development and the homelessness framework doesn’t allow boroughs to easily allocate homes to homeless households beyond their boundaries.

 

9.4              We also suggest a number of financial measures which would help local authorities tackle homelessness more effectively:

 

 

 

9.5              Rough Sleeping

As stated above, the homelessness prevention grant must continue to be targeted towards areas where the homelessness problem is most acute. We would welcome more cross-working throughout London, with the Mayor and other boroughs, to develop a strategic London-wide response to rough sleeping.

 

 

February 2016

 

 


[1] This is based on the current available data Westminster City Council has on causes of homelessness

[2] This data is taken from the Combined Homelessness and Information Network (CHAIN) database

[[1]] This is based on data from our regular street counts. However, it should be noted that numbers can fluctuate throughout the year depending on a variety of factors.

[3] This data is taken from the Combined Homelessness and Information Network (CHAIN) database

[4] S208, Housing Act 1996