Summary

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As a Hongkong-born student residing in the UK, I am honoured and pleased to submit evidence regarding to the Commons Select Committee inquiry into the UK’s relations with Hong Kong. This year will mark the 30th years of the singing of the Sino-British Joint Declaration on the Question of Hong Kong. Meanwhile, at the same time the Chinese Government has also published a clear timetable for Hong Kong to introduce universal suffrage. This would be a good time for the UK to summarise the development progress of Hong Kong since 1997 and to discuss how the UK should exercise her responsibility on Hong Kong in the future.

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I am aware of the half-yearly report on Hong Kong submitted by the Foreign Office to the Parliament do not reflect the real situation in Hong Kong and did not explain the rather failing process of implementing “One Country, Two Systems”, therefore, in this submission I wish to present my humble testimony to the committee regarding to the recent political development in the SAR.

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It is the UK’s responsibility to monitor and ensure China implementing “One Country, Two Systems” rigorously, which, as stated clearly on the Joint Declaration and the Basic Law,  Hong Kong SAR is promised to have high degree of autonomy. The recent published white paper “The Practice of the "One Country, Two Systems" Policy in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region” by Chinese State Council suggested the promised high degree of autonomy is quickly diminishing, and China intends to intervene Hong Kong internal affairs more directly.

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To response, the UK should pressure China to keep her promise of autonomy and democracy in Hong Kong. This is the best and most appropriate measure for Britain to continue her responsibility on Hong Kong, and safeguard British political and economic interests in Hong Kong and China.

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As part of the continue responsibility of Britain to Hong Kong, the UK should offer a route for British National (Overseas) passport bearers to migrate to the UK, with less restriction on naturalisation as British Citizens.

Introduction

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This evidence is written as a perspective of a Hongkong-born British National (Overseas) who has later immigrated to Britain.

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As someone who has experienced living in Hong Kong, as a British Colony and as a SAR under Chinese rule, I have witnessed radical changes in Hong Kong. I was brought up in a family that uphold democratic values, and in my childhood it seems to me democracy is something guaranteed, instead of something we ought to fight for. In recent years political and social changes in Hong Kong have stated clearly to me promised democracy is an illusion, and the more Hongkongers ask for, the more suppressions are given. I would sincerely remind the Parliament of its predecessors' commitments to Hong Kong, and to implore the current Parliament to take action to honour these commitments.

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As writing from my personal perspective, I offer my sincerer apologies should any part of my submission be seen as simplifying or bias with personal experiences

The changes Hong Kong faced in the eyes of a young adult

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I was born in 1993, in a family that both my parents are professionals. I did not witness the days when school kids sang God Save the Queen in assembly, however I did remember the Union Jack is flying across buildings in Hong Kong. My mother often told me stories and history of Hong Kong, to answer my question “why Hong Kong is given to China in the year 1997”. I was only four years old when the sovereignty was handed to China, however I do find myself have close emotional connection to the UK, even when I was young. The red post box, the Queen on stamps etc. sealed in my childhood memory. My mother reminded I was not particularly happy when I watched the Union Jack lowered down.

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The first few years after the handover, Hong Kong was in good shape, despite the Asian Financial Crisis in 1998. I was taught in primary school that the Basic Law is a mini constitution of Hong Kong, and it guarantees prosperity through autonomy and democracy. There were some setbacks, however the general feeling of the society is positive, Hong Kong would develop her own democratic government under the promised given by China, and an efficient and clean government, protection on human rights, independent judicial will continues and well-maintained.

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I continue to build my interest on Hong Kong and politics in my younger years. Through discussion with my parents, we believed and were never worried too much Hong Kong’s future will be in risk, as similar to most people, we used to believe China is serious about her promise. Unfortunately it did not take long for us to realise our hopes were shattered. In 2003, the SAR government proposed the National Security Bill, as known as the “Article 23” of the Basic Law, to the Legislative Council, the bill would have severely encroached upon freedom of speech in the sake of national security. Over 500,000 people had marched up on the street to against it. I was too young to protest, however, I have kept my close eyes to the news by reading several newspapers and discuss with parents and teachers. This was the turning point of Hong Kong. After the massive protest, China has changed her policy on Hong Kong, started from 2003 China has engaged more in Hong Kong’s affairs, and Hongkongers started to realise freedom and democracy might not be so secure after all.

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Freedom gradually diminishing after 2003, despite Hongkongers have clearly demonstrated the wish and determination for a real democracy.  The SAR government and pro-Beijing camp have continuously reneged on promised electoral reform. The deadline of introducing universal suffrage was changed from 2007 to 2012, and from 2012 to 2017.  The SAR government becomes less willing to listen to local citizens on policy matters, and with spurious consultations forced through unpopular projects backed by the Chinese central government such as the Hong Kong section of Chinese high-speed rail network, and relaxed visa requirements for Mainland Chinese to visit or immigrate to Hong Kong.

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To conclude, I have witnessed huge changes in Hong Kong throughout my growing up. Although I was brought up to uphold democratic values, and proud of the British legacy in Hong Kong, I did believe a pro-Chinese HKSAR government will be able to continue the legacy and develop a democratic structure. My personal view to HKSAR government changed from trust in my childhood, to cynicism in my teenage years, to despair and distrust in my early adulthood. It would be sensible for me to say, most young adults share similar views and feelings with me.

Perspective I have developed in recent years

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I moved to the UK in 2010 and to continue my study in a boarding school. The reasons why my family agreed to send me to Britain are my family believe I would benefit from the English education system, and to let me establish my personal connection and root in the UK.

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I am hugely benefited to have the chance to live in the UK, a place that I could witness how democracy work. I continue my interest in politics during my boarding school years, often found myself in discussion with teachers and schoolmates about politics of Britain, Hong Kong and China. I continue my study in Keele University, reading politics and international relations. Through my studies, I am able to discover possible measures for Hong Kong to be democratic, also shocked by how little the SAR government has done so far.

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Now equipped with the perspective of a Briton, I could see that Hong Kong simply continued to veer farther and farther away from the promises it received in 1984. The electoral reform suggested in 2012 was deemed undemocratic, and the SAR government’s attitude towards democratic reform becomes more conservative. In 2012, the SAR government proposed a compulsory patriotism education to all schools in Hong Kong, created a massive uproar and protests in Hong Kong. Tension between the citizens and the government continue to grow. These actions have suggested the sincerity of the government to introduce a democratic reform is long gone. Furthermore, pro-Beijing camp controlled enough seats, through the functional “functional constituency”, which some seats are not elected by “one man one vote” principle, to support hugely unpopular bills such as the new town development in the greenbelt of Hong Kong. All these factors suggested the legacy and value of Hong Kong that we cherished in the past are fading away, and for this reason I have made my decision to settle in the UK.

Suggested Solutions

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The last few years of development in Hong Kong provided strong evidences that the Chinese government has already violated the guarantee of a high degree of autonomy and independent executive power in Hong Kong. The August 2014 decision given out by the standing committee of the NPC clarifies it further that the Chinese government has no intention of keeping its promises made in 1984. The definition of Basic Law becomes something that could freely edict by the Chinese, and autonomous power becomes something “granted” by the Chinese government, instead of a condition that Britain promised to give Hong Kong to China.

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As a party of the Sino-British Joint Declaration, the British government has an unshakable responsibility to apply diplomatic pressure upon the Chinese government, so that China will fulfil its promises on Hong Kong.

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HM Government introduced the “British Nationality Selection Scheme” for Hongkongers to register as British Citizens after the Tiananmen Square Incident in 1989. The idea was to protect certain Hongkonger, providing a safety net for them to immigrate to the UK if Hong Kong’s future becomes undesirable. There were only 50,000 families benefited from this scheme, the rest of 3 million British National (Overseas) in Hong Kong do not have the right of abode in the UK.

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Many of my friends with full British Citizenship through the scheme have showed their interest with their independent judgment to reside in the UK permanently after they have finished their studies. There were debates before 1997 in the Parliament that allowing all Hong Kong permanent residents to have the right of abode in the UK would create immigration crisis and pressure for Britain’s economy. I understand the concern, however I would like to implore that most Hongkongers are hardworking and well educated, experiences in the past have suggested the possibility of Hong Kong immigrants to rely on benefits is extremely slim.  At the moment, with the pressures given by some parties in the Parliament on immigration, it would be unwise for me to suggest Britain shall open her door to all British National (Overseas).

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However, I implore honourable members in the committee to consider introducing a scheme to allow Hongkonger to reside in Britain, consider the current situation of Hong Kong is worrying. I would suggest, it is reasonable to lower the restriction to register as British Citizen of a British National (Overseas) passport bearer. For example, five years of ordinary residence in the UK would be able to neutralise. It should be noted that since the Treaty of Lisbon was signed by some EU countries, British National (Overseas) is considered as EU citizens in France, Germany and Demark etc. I urged the UK to consider suitable measurement to allow British National (Overseas) to reside in the UK with less restriction, as a commitment to protect the citizens of Hong Kong after 1997.

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I am sure the honourable members of the committee have truly aware the proposed universal suffrage by Chinese and SAR government is undemocratic. For the past 17 years, Hong Kong was once again failed to develop to a democratic region, this is certainly not what the UK is expected to see, and willing to see.

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I fully aware and understand how important for the UK to maintain a good relations with China, especially with plan to raise £100 billion of Chinese investment. Indeed there is a potential to strain diplomatic relations between the UK and China when UK raising the issue of Hong Kong. However, honourable members of the committee please also take trades between the UK and Hong Kong into account. In 2011, there were £25 billion of Hong Kong investment in the UK; and £33bn of British investment in Hong Kong respectively. This is not a small number, and Britain does have long term investment and interest in Hong Kong. If HM Government allows Chinese government to renege on her promise in Hong Kong, there will be no good reason for the Chinese to keep their promise on trade. Furthermore, with democracy and rule of law, these are the best elements to safeguard British investments in Hong Kong and China, thus, it is important to the UK to pressure the Chinese to honour promise they made.

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The above are my humble suggestion to the committee, with my personal experience and perspective of living in the UK and Hong Kong. I sincerely implore the honourable members of the committee to reflect my suggestion to the government, so that as a British and Hongkonger I would be happy and proud to see British’s interests in Hong Kong and China are well protected, and Britain honours her commitment on Hong Kong.