Written evidence submitted by the Electoral Reform Society (VUK 17)

The Electoral Reform Society has over 100 years of experience and knowledge of democratic processes and institutions. As an independent campaigning organisation working for a better democracy in the UK, we believe voters should be at the heart of British politics.

The Society welcomes this inquiry into voter engagement and recommends:

• Modernising voter registration

-          Addressing under-registration through specific monitoring and targeting

-          Election day registration

-          ‘Motor-voter’ style registration through day-to-day government transactions

-          Early registration for 16-year-olds, votes at 16 and a strengthened commitment to
citizenship education

-          Allowing voters to cast their vote at any polling station in their constituency (or outside the constituency by ‘special vote’ arrangements)

• Reforming the culture and practices of representative democracy

-          Reforming the electoral system, particularly at local authority level

-          Tackling the adversarial culture of Westminster politics, particularly PMQs

-          Reforming party funding regimes and revisiting the Committee on Standards in Public Life recommendations

Reasons for and impact of low voter engagement

What are the main factors that have contributed to low voter turnout in recent UK elections?

1. There are many factors that affect turnout, not least of which is the individual nature of each electoral contest. However, the pattern of steadily declining turnout across most OECD countries since the 1950s suggests factors beyond the elections themselves are having an impact. Turnout is just one of a number of changes to political participation that suggests a profound shift in the way citizens and politics interact.

2. Though turnout at elections is the most tangible manifestation of political disengagement, decline in party membership, declining trust and interest in politics, and rising anti-politics culture are all symptoms of the growing disconnect between people and formal politics. Citizens are shunning formal channels of political participation, such as voting, in favour of more direct and elite-challenging types of action, or choosing inaction instead.

3. There has never been a golden age of political participation and engagement but it is impossible to ignore the decline in formal political participation and the splintering of the relationship between citizen and politics. The percentage of people who say they would be certain to vote next time fell last year to its lowest ever level at just 41%[1]. This is in line with the gradual decline in turnout which reached a low of 59.4% in the 2001 General Election and remains at less than 40% for local elections.

4. But turnout at election time is not the only measure of political participation; other traditional channels of political engagement have been steadily declining. On current levels there is just one party member for every 100 electors. It is estimated that in 1964, one in every 12 people held membership of a political party[2]. This is a problem not just for parties but for wider engagement and participation. Political parties are the crucial link between civil society and representative government and declining membership and activism makes it increasingly difficult to reach people and engage them in politics.

5. Wider changes in society, globalisation, marketisation and consumerist culture, have affected the way people engage with politics and the way politics engages with people. Globalisation has encouraged the perception that many decisions are beyond the scope of those in power; that those that we elect are not in a position to solve the complex and globally interlinked problems that the country faces. Over the same period of time, consumerist culture has merged with political participation and acts of political engagement have become increasingly individualistic and informal.

6. Yet whilst party political and societal changes have certainly shaped the way citizens engage with politics, the functioning of our political system has also contributed to citizens turning away from formal politics.

To what extent does the public’s perception of MPs, Parliament, the Government and events such as Prime Minister’s questions affect voter registration and turnout?

7. Faith in our political system is undoubtedly in decline, but distrust of politicians is not a new phenomenon. Indeed the Hansard Society Audit in 2010[3] showed that the expenses crisis had done little to change the public’s level of trust in politicians, mainly because it was already extremely low (in 2004, 70% of people said they trust politicians either ‘not very much’ or ‘not at all’. In 2010 this figure was 73%).

8. However, our political culture does little to inspire, engage and build trust. Westminster politics feels distant and alien for many citizens. The focus on conflict, partisan disagreement and tribal politics (often exaggerated in the media) means politics is not presented as a collective endeavour requiring negotiation and compromise. Repeatedly we hear that the confrontational politics of Prime Minister’s Question Time is a major turn-off for the public. Voters and non-voters would like to see a more collaborative and consensual politics, where politicians work together in the interests of the country. Yet the culture of representational politics at Westminster creates an atmosphere of adversarialism and conflict that does nothing to inspire public confidence or engage people.

9. The fact that Parliament does not reflect the rest of the UK, particularly in representing women, is also a contributing factor to the perceived distance of Westminster politics.

What are the main factors that affect voter registration? What socioeconomic factors affect registration and turnout and what, if anything, can we learn from this about how to improve voter registration and turnout?

10. Ensuring every qualified voter is able to cast their vote is a crucial element of the electoral system but the UK’s electoral registers have failed to keep pace with the growth in eligible electors. Political inequality is increasingly evident in voter turnout; this is compounded by the uneven distribution of under-registration across different groups in society.

11. There is ample evidence to show that under-representation is concentrated among young people, tenants in private rented accommodation, certain BME groups and Commonwealth and EU citizens as well as evidence of growing local and regional variations. A report by the Electoral Commission[4] found that the completeness of the electoral register has declined since the late 1990s.  Registration levels are particularly low for young people and tenants in privately rented properties. Registration for people aged 19-24 is just 56%, whilst for the 25-34 age group it is only 72%. Private rented sector registration is just 56% (completeness of registration for those living in mortgaged properties is 87%). The research also shows lower registration rates for BME communities – 77% completeness compared to 86% for white registration levels.

12. Inequalities in voter registration (and therefore in who can vote) seriously undermine the principle of democratic representation. Depleted electoral registers are a concern, especially given the unequal distribution of registration. Targeting groups at risk of under-registration is an important task for the Electoral Commission and registration officers; a task certain local authorities perform extremely well. However, regional variations in the completeness of the electoral register suggest that the under-registration of certain groups needs more careful monitoring and targeted action, especially during the introduction of Individual Electoral registration this year and next.

What are the costs to society of low voter registration and turnout?

13. Low voter turnout, as well as declining participation in other forms of formal political activity has a high cost for decision-making. The participation deficit in our political system challenges parties’ and governments’ legitimacy, and questions over legitimacy affect governments’ confidence in tackling difficult issues. Restoring faith in politics and the functioning of our democracy is essential for the future of political authority.

14. Current levels of turnout and registration are affecting political equality. This is a trend that is likely to be self-perpetuating as those whose voices are not heard develop an expectation of non-participation and do not develop the habit of exercising their political rights. There already exist large inequalities in political activity and trends suggest the gaps are increasing. Most political activities are undertaken by ABs and are ‘considerably less common’[5] amongst C2s and DEs.

15. Inequality of participation is particularly an issue for younger citizens. The number of 18-25 year olds turning out to vote has been declining since 1979 but in recent years has seen a more distinct drop. Turnout amongst 18-25 years olds fell from 59.7% in 1997 to 49.4% in 2001 - the year general turnout reached its lowest level. But unlike overall turnout, it did not bounce back in 2005, dropping again to 37%. In 2010 the number of 18-25 year olds turning out to vote rose slightly to 44%, most likely influenced by the closeness of the contest. Turnout inequality is a problem across our democracy but persistently lower levels of turnout amongst younger citizens is creating an increasingly worrying political inequality. It is not hard to see how a lack of political voice means policy is rarely shaped with sustainability for future citizens at its heart.

Improving voter turnout

What are the principal ways in which voter registration and turnout could be improved?

16. Improving registration is clearly an important first step towards improving turnout. And whilst turnout is affected by a myriad of factors, registration can be improved with some simple, practical steps.

17. Registration is particularly low amongst electors aged 18-24. Reaching young people whilst they are still living with their parents is an opportunity to improve registration rates for this age group. Currently in Northern Ireland, young people are registered by their school. Innovations in registering younger voters (such as sending registration forms out with National Insurance numbers) should be considered for the rest of the UK.

18. Early registration should be implemented alongside lowering the voting age to 16. The next generation of voters are the first who have been required to study our democracy, our electoral system and the importance of voting. Yet they are denied the right to use this knowledge for at least two further years – possibly seven years depending on the electoral cycle. Lowering the voting age to 16 would allow a seamless transition from learning about voting, elections and democracy to putting such knowledge into practice, and presents an opportunity to raise political engagement for the future. High-quality democratic and citizenship education in schools is also crucial.

19. Turnout itself, however, is not so easily resolved. Whilst any barriers to turnout such as timings and access should be fixed, widespread political disengagement cannot be addressed without reforming the operation and culture of our democratic institutions. Public dissatisfaction with the politics currently on offer is not necessarily reflective of a lack of faith in democracy or representative politics. Research suggests people have faith in the concept, just not in its current manifestation; there is still widespread support for the institution of representative democracy – people just want it to work better. In nationwide focus groups exploring public attitudes to the democratic process[6], participants wanted to see a change in the culture and behaviour of modern day politics. Improving access, openness and accountability were common themes.

20. Reform of representative institutions and processes must occur alongside consideration of new forms of participation, and whilst structural change is needed, if it is to make any lasting difference it will require significant change in the culture and practice of politics.

In what ways could new technologies be used to encourage people to vote?

21. Individual electoral registration makes it possible to integrate registration into other day-to-day transactions with the government. This is common in the United States where citizens can register at their county or government registration office, their motor vehicle agency and at universities, schools and hospitals. To increase registration in the UK, the government should consider providing registration forms at government offices and Post Offices, and electors should be reminded to register to vote in official transactions such as when applying for a passport, driver’s licence, social security and registering for council tax. A poll carried out for the Electoral Reform Society[7] found that 38% of respondents said they would be more likely to register to vote if they could register when paying council tax, or applying for car tax.

22. Online registration is a cost-effective way of increasing participation and is used in the US and New Zealand. Since 2002 New Zealand has also allowed voters to text a free number to request a registration form. In the six months leading up to the 2008 election 37% of new registrants initially ordered their form by text. The ERS poll[8] found that 52% of respondents said they would be more likely to register to vote if they could do it online.

What would be the advantages and disadvantages of allowing voters to register on the day of an election?

23. Election Day Registration would allow voters to turn up at the polling station, register and vote all in one go. With the introduction of individual electoral registration with personal identifiers, the potential for fraud is reduced. Election Day Registration is an innovation that is increasingly being used in the US, and there is considerable evidence to show that it increases registration and turnout rates significantly. Groups with lower registration rates see the largest gains through Election Day Registration, especially among those who have recently moved address.

24. Academic analysis of the equality impacts of voter registration reforms in the US found that same-day registration had a significant impact on equality of political participation[9].

What lessons can be learnt from other countries where voter registration and turnout is higher?

25. Turnout decline is one of the most widespread and generalisable trends in political science. Of all OECD countries, only Denmark, Sweden and Iceland have maintained turnout in the region of 80% or above since 1945. However, relatively high levels of initial turnout mask a decline in turnout in more recent years. In Sweden turnout has declined steadily (though not in the same linear fashion as other OECD countries) since the 1970s when turnout peaked at 91.8% in 1976.

26. It has been sugested that the higher and more stable levels of turnout in Nordic and Scandinavian countries, (whilst other advanced liberal democracies have seen early and low peaks followed by marked decline), is down to the ‘contrasting political cultures characteristic of liberal and social democratic regimes’[10]. It could be that a belief in politics being capable of providing public goods, rather than the more cynical view of politics more common in British culture, has an impact. This is an untested suggestion, but culture and history almost certainly play their part in explaining these differences. These countries also have much stronger associational activity through unions and interest groups, which encourages political activity.

27. Better and more complete electoral registers must also play their part in facilitating higher turnout in these countries. The Swedish electoral roll is based on the register held by the tax agency. Residents are required to register with the tax agency which maintains a continuous population register, and therefore registration is, in effect, compulsory. The tax agency then makes the population register available to the electoral authority 30 days before the election. Nearly all eligible residents are therefore included on the electoral roll.

28. Likewise in Denmark, the electoral roll is drawn from a continuously updated civil register. Municipal authorities convey basic information about citizens including voting eligibility to the central register. The electoral roll is produced from this register 15 days before Election Day so citizens are automatically included. Any changes due to death or emigration after this point are manually inputted and residents who move during this period remain registered in their former municipality.

29. There are other international examples of good practice such as New Zealand, where voters can cast their vote at any polling station within their electorate (they can also apply for a ‘special vote’ to enable them to vote outside their electorate on polling day). We would recommend allowing voters to cast their vote at any polling station in their constituency as part of a range of voting improvements facilitated by the introduction of individual electoral registration.

To what extent could electoral reform, rebuilding political parties or changes to party funding improve public engagement and voter turnout?

30. Turnout is a symptom of the failing health of our democracy, not the problem itself. There are many problems with the Westminster system, which has remained stubbornly resistant to reform and has failed to keep up with changes in society. Whilst there is no silver bullet to improve voter engagement, failings in the system do little to inspire potential voters.

31. In one important respect, our democracy is increasingly failing potential voters. The results of UK general elections have become increasingly disproportional in the translation of votes to seats, and produce majorities far in excess of votes received. The system has prevented voter preferences for a wider range of political parties being realised, and has distributed power unevenly. As the number of marginal seats diminishes and those few marginal seats become the battleground for elections, voters in these constituencies exert a much greater influence on election outcomes, and those elsewhere experience an obvious absence of campaigning that disincentivises participation. Under these conditions it is perhaps not surprising that citizens do not value their vote: our electoral system does not much value it either.

32. Without changing the voting system (and without political parties adapting their campaigning to reflect the change in the electoral process) the culture of politics at Westminster is unlikely to change. The pressures created by the First Past the Post (FPTP) electoral system force parties to target key messages at an increasingly small number of voters, and to focus on negative campaigns which not only drive down trust in opponents but in politics at large.

33. Likewise local democracy, in England especially, is failing to meet expectations of democratic accountability and legitimacy. Turnout remains stubbornly low for local elections (typically less than 40%). Those who do turn out to vote will find that their votes produce vastly disproportional results. In England and Wales, FPTP and multi-member FPTP ensure some councils (particularly county councils) rarely change hands even with significant swings in vote share. Others have parties enjoying a significant vote share but being completely unrepresented, creating councils without opposition. Seats go uncontested at many levels of local government. Reforming the electoral system, particularly at a local level, would give citizens’ votes greater value, better reflect their political choices and help restore authority to elections. Whilst not the only solution to declining turnout, electoral reform can only help improve it.

34. Likewise, public confidence in political parties and our political system is crucial for democratic engagement. Reforming the party funding system is an important step in restoring confidence in the operation of the political system. Political parties play an essential role in our democracy: representing and giving voice to a diversity of opinion; giving voters choice at the ballot box; developing policy and scrutinising the policies of other parties; providing channels for public participation in politics through party structures; and recruiting and selecting candidates. These activities need to be funded, but it is essential to remove the potential for abuse of the system through donations, thereby addressing the public perception of undue influence. The role of state funding is therefore an important consideration.

35. Reforming representative politics and political institutions, the vehicles which facilitate mass participation, is essential for improving political participation. Formal politics must catch up with 21st century expectations to have a hope of improving voter engagement.

21 February 2014