WRITTEN EVIDENCE SUBMITTED BY ANDREA MIOTTI
AND STEVEN ADLER
(RAI0031)
Written evidence
of
Andrea Miotti
Founder & CEO of ControlAI
&
Steven Adler
Former safety researcher and lead of “dangerous capability evaluations” at OpenAI
Before the UK Parliament’s Joint Select Committee on Human Rights
For an inquiry into “Human Rights and the Regulation of AI”
September 2025
—
Questions 2, 3, 4, 6 and 8 are examined herein
Both authors would welcome the opportunity to provide
oral evidence before the Committee.
On the authors
Andrea Miotti is the founder and CEO of ControlAI, a non-profit dedicated to reducing the risks posed by artificial intelligence. ControlAI develops policies to mitigate advanced AI risks, has engaged with policymakers in the UK, EU, and US, and has gained support from over 135,000 civil society members and more than 60 UK parliamentarians. ControlAI advocates for AI systems that serve as tools for humanity and enable safe technological innovation, while identifying superintelligent AI as the main vector for potential loss of control and supporting a global ban on such systems. Before founding ControlAI, Andrea was Head of Strategy and Governance at the AI startup Conjecture, which develops technical solutions to ensure AI systems remain controllable.
Steven Adler worked at OpenAI from December 2020 to November 2024, focusing on various safety-related research areas. He co-led the development of dangerous capability evaluations, identifying risks posed by advanced AI systems and creating methods to assess their capabilities. He designed evaluations in areas such as deception, persuasion, malware generation, and the concealment of security vulnerabilities. Several of these were incorporated into OpenAI’s Preparedness Framework, which guides risk assessment and safety protocols before a system is released publicly. All of Steven’s communications rely solely on public information, in compliance with his confidentiality agreement with OpenAI.
On the reason for submitting evidence
Article 3 of the UDHR affirms that “everyone has the right to life, liberty and security of person” [1]. This right can be undermined when public or private actors, in the course of their activities, create externalities through risk-taking that affect the wider population. In developing advanced AI systems, private companies are taking risks on behalf of all of society.
In 2023, Nobel Prize winners, leading AI scientists, and CEOs of AI companies, publicly released a statement which reads: “Mitigating the risk of extinction from AI should be a global priority alongside other societal-scale risks such as pandemics and nuclear war” [2]. Despite their warnings, the public has no say in determining the level of risk these companies may take on their behalf. Moreover, the mechanisms in domestic and international law for providing redress are often limited, reactive, and ill-suited to risks of the scale that - many of the world’s leading experts warn - could threaten the survival of humanity.
The authors, whose expertise is strongest in this domain, hope that the Committee will find their contribution valuable.
Summary of Evidence Presented
Supporting Context for the Evidence
Nobel Prize winners, leading AI scientists, and CEOs of major AI companies have placed the risks from AI systems on par with pandemics and nuclear war [2]. Dario Amodei, CEO of Anthropic, recently estimated that AI developers understand 3% [18] of how AI systems work, and has previously stated that his chance “that something goes really quite catastrophically wrong on the scale of human civilization might be somewhere between 10 per cent and 25 per cent” [19]. Similarly, experts such as Nobel laureate and “Godfather of AI” Geoffrey Hinton and Turing Award winner and the world’s most-cited[1] computer scientist Yoshua Bengio have cautioned that it is disturbingly unlikely that humanity will retain control over a more intelligent entity, a scenario unprecedented in human history [17], [22]. Geoffrey Hinton indeed resigned from his role as Vice President and Engineering Fellow at Google to be able to freely voice his concerns, and expressed that part of him regrets his contribution to the field [23].
Earlier this year, Secretary of State for DSIT Peter Kyle also stated that “we must consider the possibility that risks won’t just come from malicious actors misusing AI models, but from the models themselves [...] Losing oversight and control of advanced AI systems, particularly Artificial General Intelligence (AGI), would be catastrophic” and “must be avoided at all costs” [24].
RESPONSES TO THE COMMITTEE’S QUESTIONS
Q2. To what extent does the UK’s existing legal framework provide sufficient protections for human rights in relation to AI?
Examples of voluntary risk-mitigation strategies include Anthropic’s Responsible Scaling Policy (September 2023) [39], OpenAI’s Preparedness Framework (December 2023) [40], and Google DeepMind’s Frontier Safety Framework (May 2024) [41]. These strategies have been updated following their respective publications.
Consider, for instance, OpenAI’s Preparedness Framework. OpenAI treats this framework as a living document which “has revision as a built-in principle.” Following publication of evidence by former employee Steven Adler showing that OpenAI had not been meeting its testing commitments for months, the company quietly removed this requirement from an updated version of its Preparedness Framework without noting the change in its summary of updates [42]. In April 2025, the Financial Times also revealed that OpenAI had accelerated its safety testing schedule, cutting it down from several months to only a few days [43]. As reported by the Washington Post, this incident was not the first protestation of OpenAI’s safety teams that they feel pressured to rush through safety protocols [44].
Broken commitments are not unique to OpenAI; they have been a common issue among leading AI companies. For instance, the recent release of Gemini 2.5 Pro by Google DeepMind failed to honour the transparency requirements specified in paragraph VIII of the Seoul Summit commitments [32] . In response to this, 60 UK parliamentarians supported a letter on 29 August 2025 warning of the “dangerous precedent” that this sets, and noting that “Google’s technical capabilities come with commensurate obligations to society” [45]. Similarly, Anthropic abandoned commitments not to deploy any system of high risk without first developing risk-mitigation frameworks for systems of greater capability, shifting to a just-in-time approach [39], [46][2].
To avoid the security risks associated with the current regime of voluntary commitments, over 60 UK parliamentarians have supported ControlAI’s campaign calling for “binding regulation on the most powerful AI systems” [47].
OpenAI’s governing safety framework, the Preparedness Framework, assesses model capabilities, assigns risk levels, and sets precautions for deployment or continued operation. At the highest tier, “critical risk”, a model is considered so dangerous that it may be unsafe even to keep on OpenAI’s own systems, as it could be stolen and misused by hostile actors [40]. Former OpenAI employee Steven Adler warns that a system of this nature could emerge sooner rather than later, and that whether a large training run happens to reach critical level depends essentially on an accident of mathematics and science [48].
Current and former members of the AI industry have expressed concern that strong financial incentives drive companies to avoid oversight [49]. They have also pointed out that companies cannot be relied upon to voluntarily disclose information about system capabilities, limitations, protective measures, risk levels, and potential harms [50].
As competitive pressures intensify, it becomes increasingly risky for the government to expect that AI companies comply with the voluntary commitments made at the Seoul Summit, and rely on this expectation for human rights to be protected.
The rights to liberty and security under Article 3 of the UDHR cannot be protected without binding legislation requiring effective risk-mitigation measures for advanced AI systems.
Q3. To what extent is the Government’s policy approach to deploying AI, expressed in its “AI Opportunities Action Plan”, sufficiently robust in respect of safeguarding human rights?
Despite some commendable measures - such as collaboration with existing regulators, deployment of regulatory sandboxes to foster innovation, and continued backing for the AI Security Institute - the AI Opportunities Action Plan does not explicitly address the problems arising from the UK’s reliance on voluntary commitments [51]. Safety and assurance, as invoked in the Plan, require regulation with statutory force to ensure human rights are safeguarded and that AI systems are developed and deployed under rigorous, enforceable controls.
Q4. What would be needed in any future UK legislation to protect human rights?
When legislating to protect human rights, including Article 3 of the UDHR, a key question arises: can the UK address AI-related human rights risks through domestic measures alone? As with other dual-use technologies - such as chemical, biological, radiological, and nuclear (CBRN) - how other countries develop and deploy AI can also endanger UK citizens. To safeguard rights such as life and security, future UK legislation must therefore be grounded in international consensus.
Some significant, although imperfect successes, include the Chemical Weapons Convention [52] and the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons [53] . These agreements demonstrate how international frameworks can support the safe development of beneficial civilian applications while restricting a small subset of harmful uses.
In practice, this approach typically combines three core elements: outright prohibitions on harmful applications, licensing regimes to control authorised uses, and regulation of precursor materials to prevent their diversion into prohibited activities. For biological and chemical agents, UK law and international treaties impose a complete ban on weaponisation, with no blanket exemptions for state or military use [52], [54], [55], [56], [53]. Nuclear technology, while permitted for the UK’s military under international treaty provisions, is strictly regulated in the civilian sphere and subject to non-proliferation obligations and long-term disarmament commitments aimed at reducing arsenals [51], [52], [58].
Protecting the right to life and security, ensuring robust risk and impact management, and maintaining effective oversight throughout the AI lifecycle require an approach akin to that used for CBRN technologies: one that targets the most dangerous subsets of the technology while enabling beneficial applications to flourish under oversight proportionate to their risks. Most AI systems, though imperfect, do not endanger life and security and instead are tools that serve to advance human welfare. By contrast, superintelligent AI systems - the primary vector for potential loss of human control - pose catastrophic risks, including human extinction, according to top experts. Therefore, the international community should work toward consensus on a binding global treaty that bans the development of superintelligent AI systems and establishes enforcement mechanisms to ensure no private actor, company, or government can pursue it outside this treaty. This is not to be lifted before there is a scientific consensus that it can be built safely and controllably, with clear public buy-in on the project [60].
The prohibition on developing superintelligent AI systems should be enshrined in an international treaty that harmonises regulatory frameworks across all participating countries. Through the signing of the AI treaty, a new international authority should also be established to monitor compliance with the treaty, promote AI safety research, and facilitate cooperation between signatories. The new international institution could be modeled on the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), serving as the administrative backbone of the treaty with the authority to inspect and audit facilities in signatory states and monitor AI development to ensure compliance [60].
Q6. How might regulation match the pace of AI technology development, such as the emergence of agentic AI, to ensure that human rights are preserved as technology continues to develop?
Q8. The likely impact of the Council of Europe’s Framework Convention on Artificial Intelligence, Human Rights, Democracy and the Rule of Law on human rights protection in the UK.
The Council of Europe’s Framework Convention on Artificial Intelligence, Human Rights, Democracy and the Rule of Law outlines mechanisms that could help protect the rights to life and security set out in Article 3 of the UDHR. These include transparency and oversight throughout the AI system lifecycle (Article 8), measures to promote system reliability (Article 12), safe innovation (Article 13), and the adoption of risk and impact management frameworks to prevent and mitigate AI-related risks (Article 16) [61].
To maximise their effectiveness, however, these provisions must be translated into more specific guidelines through domestic legislation, supported by robust domestic enforcement mechanisms. For the Convention to provide comprehensive protection to human rights, the domestic regulatory regime would also need to introduce redress mechanisms - measures notably absent from the Seoul Commitments.
Until then, adherence to the framework’s provisions remains entirely at the discretion of AI companies.
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(Sept 2025)
16
[1] According to the AD Scientific Index (Engineering & CS) [20].
[2] In its May 14 update, Anthropic released Claude Opus 4 (its first release to trigger the risk level AI Safety Level 3) without having publicly outlined a risk-management plan for AI Safety Level 4 systems, as it had previously committed to doing.
[3] The 10^17 FLOP/s threshold is numerically lower because it measures a rate (throughput per second), whereas 10^25 FLOP is a total amount of compute for a training run.