International Development Committee

Inquiry on the UK Development Partnership with Nigeria

Response by Open Doors UK & Ireland

Background

Open Doors UK & Ireland is part of a global NGO network supporting persecuted Christians and other religious minorities in over 70 countries. In Nigeria, we have worked for more than 20 years through local partners across the North-East (Borno, Adamawa, Yobe), North-Central (Plateau, Benue, Kaduna, Niger, Nasarawa) and Middle Belt to provide: emergency relief for internally displaced people (IDPs), trauma care, livelihood recovery, education support, legal assistance, peacebuilding, and advocacy on Freedom of Religion or Belief (FoRB) and civilian protection.

Our 2024/25 research includes more than 140 interviews and focus groups with displaced communities in Borno and Plateau; with the findings are published in the report No Road Home: Christian IDPs displaced by extremist violence in Nigeria.

Open Doors World Watch List now ranks Nigeria as 7th on the World Watch List for the severity of persecution against Christians, with over 3.3 million IDPs displaced by violence, many of whom are Christians who were targeted because of their faith. In the period October 2019–September 2023, 16,769 Christians have been killed in violent attacks in the country[1].

Local faith actors are essential to effective humanitarian response and peacebuilding in Nigeria, but they remain under-resourced despite their reach, trust, and ability to operate in insecure areas.

Q5: Opportunities and challenges for the FCDO in supporting localisation of development activities in Nigeria

Local faith-based organisations (FBOs) and churches are often the first responders for displaced families. with high levels of trust, deep reach into insecure areas, and strong capacity for sustained work beyond the timeframes of international NGOs. As such they are key actors which can help facilitate returns and reconciliation. The No Road Home report referenced above documents how FBOs mobilise quickly, deliver psychosocial care, and fill gaps where international actors cannot safely operate.

Despite this there are key challenges. Often FCDO programming ignores the complex factors affecting faith communities in needs assessments which obscures specific vulnerabilities including: targeted threats and higher ransom demands reported by Christian IDPs; data deficits (e.g., large undercounts of IDPs in certain states); problems faced by Christians in accessing formal IDP camps; a lack of protection for those in informal camps; and violence with impunity and local biases undermining safe returns.

• Under-counting and visibility gaps: In Plateau, official IDP figures were reported to be nearly 80% lower than local community tallies—a discrepancy that drives under-resourcing and premature camp closures or returns.[2]
• Targeted risks by faith identity: As detailed in the No Road Home report:

In Borno state: several interviewees reported that Boko Haram and ISWAP demanded higher ransom amounts for Christians, with the highest ransoms placed on pastors. One community leader explained: “They know the church will try to raise the money if it is their pastor. For Muslims, the ransom is smaller”.[3]

In Plateau State: Christians attempting to return to their villages in parts of Plateau were told they could only stay if they converted to Islam, paid fines, or agreed to work the land under the control of the attackers. Some were threatened with death if they refused.[4]

• Additionally, some interviewees in Plateau State stated: In certain mixed communities, Muslim residents received advance warning of attacks and were able to leave before the violence began. Christians in the same areas were given no warning and suffered higher casualties.[5]Macro-displacement pressures. Nigeria hosts more than 3.7 million IDPs across conflict-affected regions, with recurrent hazards compounding conflict displacement and straining local systems. More than half of these IDPs are in Borno state, which has been a scene of conflict since 2009.[6]

This number of IDPs is also likely to be an underestimate. IDPs are mostly hosted in the community, with some forming informal IDP camps and even fewer living in government-run IDP camps. While those accommodated in government-run camps are more likely to receive government support or humanitarian aid, those living in informal settings in parts of Nigeria are ineligible for government support and receive little humanitarian assistance.[7]

• Informal camps: Many Christian IDPs shelter in informal sites with little state or international NGO presence. Christian communities will often feel unsafe in formal camps, leaving gaps in provision to be filled by local churches who provide WASH/food/trauma-support programs but which lack predictable funding lines despite being present long after international missions end. Aid agencies tend to omit the religious affiliations of refugees and as such patterns of displacement and the dynamics of conflict and peace-building are often missed.[8]

Practical steps for FCDO localisation

1. Resource local faith actors as core partners, not ad-hoc subgrantees. Establish a dedicated Local Faith Actor Window within FCDO humanitarian and conflict portfolios (north-east and Middle Belt), with simplified compliance, flexible tranches, and embedded protection/GBV standards. Open Doors No Road Home report demonstrates FBOs’ comparative advantage in trust, reach, and continuity.
2. Tie UK ODA to inclusive needs assessments that capture faith-related risks and reconcile gaps where official figures undercount (e.g., Plateau). Coordinate with the International Organization for Migration's Displacement Tracking Matrix and require coordination with local civic and faith networks.
3. Protect returns and livelihoods. Fund Area-Based Recovery models that pair security assurances with livelihood restart (e.g., tools, seeds, land access) and trauma care. Our research shows premature, unsupported returns heighten harm; secure, whereas sequenced support lowers re-displacement.
4. Mainstream FoRB and survivor-centred GBV response in all UK-funded programmes—echoing the UK’s UPR recommendations to safeguard freedom of religion and advance gender equality.
5. Strengthen civil–military harm mitigation locally. Support civilian-harm tracking and referral at LGA level (with faith actors included), ensuring safe reporting for IDPs who fear reprisals.

Case study (localisation in practice)

In 2019, Pastor Barnabas was forced to flee his home in Benue State after an attack by Fulani militants left him severely injured. Seeking safety, he joined thousands of others displaced by violence in Nigeria’s North-Central region, settling in an informal camp composed of makeshift tents and lacking official recognition. Five years on, the camp remains his home.

In the absence of consistent humanitarian services, Pastor Barnabas helped provide practical assistance to others living in the camp. He reports dire WASH conditions, with outbreaks of preventable diseases leading to avoidable deaths. Support was provided though the local church networks as larger agencies are often absent in informal IDP camps. These church networks, embedded in communities and trusted by residents, have delivered food, counselling, and basic protection measures in areas where state and international actors rarely operate.

The experience of Pastor Barnabas demonstrates why localisation is critical for development and humanitarian programming in Nigeria. Local faith actors often have deep-rooted relationships, cultural understanding, and the trust needed to operate in insecure or neglected areas. They are also able to mobilise rapidly and adapt to changing contexts without the bureaucratic delays that can hamper external interventions. However, their work is frequently under-resourced, under-recognised, and dependent on ad hoc donations.

UK–Nigeria cooperation should prioritise accountability, FoRB protection, and safe access to education, leveraging opportunities such as the UPR and Security and Defence Partnership.

Sustained funding to strengthen such local infrastructure would have an immediate and measurable impact improving WASH access, delivering life-saving health and protection interventions, and reducing secondary harms such as malnutrition, gender-based violence, and forced recruitment by armed groups. In a context where displacement is prolonged and government and NGO capacity is overstretched; localisation can provide an effective and sustainable model.

Question 6: Opportunities for the UK to work with the Nigerian Government to prevent conflict, promote peace and reconciliation in the Sahel

Last year the UK made three recommendations made to Nigeria’s last Universal Periodic Review. These were

• Protect civilians and ensure accountability,
• Safeguard freedom of religion or belief
• Advance gender equality

All three recommendations were accepted by the Nigerian Government and in the last 18 months some steps to improve accountability have been seen. These include the Nigerian Air Forces introducing Civilian Harm Response and Mitigation Action Plan which included the establishment of a Civilian Harm Investigation Cell in July 2025.[9] But the implementation of these measures needs to progress faster if Nigeria is to meet this recommendation within the current UPR cycle.

Nigeria’s location links it closely to Sahelian dynamics (arms/trafficking corridors, cross-border militant ecosystems, climate stresses). The UK should leverage its Security and Defence Partnership (SDP) dialogue and UPR follow-up to back reforms, helping Nigeria to implement measures that reduce impunity, protect civilians, and address religiously framed violence.

Despite FCDO investment in FoRB via the Strengthening Peace and Resilience in Nigeria (SPRiNG) programme further progress is needed on freedom of religion and belief. Blasphemy laws remain in place within 12 States in Northern Nigeria and violent extremist groups including Boko Haram and Islamic State West Africa (ISWAP) restricted Freedom of Religion and Belief within the North East. Farmer/Herder violence is multifaceted, but religious identity is an influencing factor.

A lack of access to education (see below) is entrenching inequalities and means that even if the violence ends tomorrow there will be generational inequalities emerging among school aged children.

Priorities for UK Government cooperation

1. Accountability and deterrence of atrocity crimes. There continues to be a lack of accountability and transparency of state and non-state actors.[10] This enables persistent impunity for attacks by Boko Haram/ISWAP, Fulani militants, and bandit groups, exacerbated by state failures to prevent and even respond to attacks.

A stable peace requires accountability and transparency. The UK should condition parts of security cooperation on credible investigations, prosecutions, and public reporting on mass attacks, such as the Christmas Eve 2023 attacks and kidnappings in Bokkos, Barkin Ladi and Mangu Local Government Areas (LGAs) of Plateau State.[11]

2. FoRB-sensitive policing and justice. Fund FoRB training for police, prosecutors and judges. Blasphemy laws are still in place in 12 northern  states, and these laws have enabled mob violence and selective prosecutions. This is highlighted by USCIRF in its Annual Report – stressing the chilling effect of blasphemy enforcement even amid positive steps like the release of Mubarak Bala and the acquittal of Rhoda Jatau.[12]

3. Education security and Safe Schools. 10.5 million children aged 5–14 years are out of school. In the North-East, 2.8 million children in Borno, Yobe and Adamawa States are unable to access education due to infrastructure being destroyed. UNICEF reports that in this region 802 schools remain closed, 497 classrooms have been destroyed, and another 1,392 are damaged.[13] In the middle belt, IDPs struggle to access education and schools have been routinely targeted. In the Mangu LGA between April 2023 and January 2024, there have been 98 separate attacks on predominately Christian villages where 661 people were killed and 43 schools were destroyed.[14]

UK backing for Safe Schools implementation, including comprehensive risk assessments, community-based early-warning systems, school protection committees, survivor psychosocial support, and rapid rehabilitation of damaged classrooms, is essential to promote long term peace, protect children, and help restore state legitimacy.

The SPRiNG Project

The Strengthening Peace and Resilience in Nigeria (SPRiNG) programme, launched in April 2023 with £40 million funding from the UK Foreign, Commonwealth & Development Office, aims to reduce intercommunal violence and enhance resilience in Nigeria’s North-Central and North-West regions.[15] The programme addresses the root causes of conflict—including land disputes, climate vulnerability, and governance weaknesses—by promoting inclusive governance, justice reform, and sustainable resource management. SPRiNG also integrates peacebuilding into rural development and climate resilience projects, fostering coexistence among diverse communities and strengthening conflict prevention and resolution efforts.

Women’s networks are critical to peacebuilding and survivor support, yet face systemic barriers to education, security, and funding that require targeted UK engagement.

A key component of SPRiNG is its focus on Freedom of Religion or Belief, aiming to address religious tensions that often fuel intercommunal violence. The programme supports dialogue between religious groups and works to tackle the causes of intercommunal conflict, including security, justice, and natural resource management challenges.[16]

Question 7: Opportunities for the UK to work with civil society, particularly women, to prevent conflict, promote peace and reconciliation in the Sahel

Context

Women and girls bear disproportionate harms in Nigeria’s conflict-affected regions, facing a double vulnerability because of their gender and their religious affiliation. They are therefore vulnerable to abduction, conflict-related sexual violence, forced marriage, and trafficking. Survivors also face stigma that impedes return and reconciliation, contributing to the long-term destruction of communities.[17]

Women’s networks in churches and community-based support organisations are pivotal for trauma healing, early warning, mediation, and reintegration — they are often the only safe entry point for survivors who distrust state actors. As one displaced woman from Borno told researchers:

“When the attackers came, they took the men away, and we never saw them again. For the women, they said, ‘You will marry us or you will die.’”[18]

Faith-based women’s associations also manage safety nets such as shared kitchens, seed banks, and emergency savings circles that stabilise livelihoods and reduce economic drivers of conflict.

Education and child protection as conflict prevention

Education recovery is a peace and security priority. Once displaced, girls are less likely to attend school than boys. While primary education is officially free in Nigeria, the associated costs — uniforms, books, additional fees — remain prohibitive for many internally displaced families. Repeated mass kidnappings keep children, especially girls, out of school.

Reuters reporting (2024) has highlighted how ransom abductions since 2014 have become a business model for armed groups, driving long-term dropout rates among girls.[19] This was a recurring theme among No Road Home interviewees.

A Christian IDP from Bassa LGA described the resulting hopelessness:

“Some of the children… will say, there’s no need to go to school again because even though we go, this crisis is not over yet. They will still come back… if we gather enough money to go to school it will be seen as a waste of money to pay school fees again, and they will come and stop you from going to school.”[20]

The education dimension in conflict zones

Conflict-driven displacement and targeted violence have destroyed school infrastructure and eroded trust in education. In many camps visited by Open Doors researchers, no functioning school existed at all, forcing children to travel unsafe distances or drop out entirely.

One mother from Plateau told researchers:

“We keep our daughters at home. The attackers know the schools and they come for the girls first.”[21]

Another father in Borno recounted militants abducting both Muslim and Christian pupils but releasing the Muslim children quickly, holding the Christian children longer and pressuring them to convert.[22]

The consequences are severe and harm efforts for long-term peacebuilding:

• Prolonged learning gaps reduce literacy and numeracy, especially among displaced children.
• Early marriage becomes more likely when girls remain out of school, deepening gender inequality.
• Economic dependency increases, leaving women and girls more vulnerable to recruitment or exploitation by armed groups.

By investing in community-led education recovery, particularly via women’s and faith-based organisations, the UK could help restore safety, rebuild interfaith trust, and address the social fractures that fuel cycles of violence.

Opportunities for UK engagement

The UK can work with Nigerian civil society, particularly women’s groups, to prevent conflict and build reconciliation by:

1. Supporting Women-led Peace and Protection Hubs: Fund hubs that combine early warning, mediation, survivor safehouses, and referral pathways (medical, legal, psychosocial, livelihoods). “It was the women in the church who found food for us when no one else came.”
2. Education recovery: Support women’s groups to help make access to education more uniform – particularly in informal IDP centres. This includes community led efforts that arrange safe transport, help meet the costs of education and run accelerated learning for children, especially girls, who have missed years of schooling.
3. Multi-year, flexible funding: Provide direct, predictable funding to vetted women-led community organisations and church-linked groups, with capacity-building support, especially in areas with informal IDP camps. This will help meet the gap from state and NGO humanitarian programs and empower communities to help rebuilding.