Foreign Affairs Committee – The UK at the United Nations Security Council Inquiry Submission

Written evidence submitted by SecurityWomen (UKU0004)

SecurityWomen is an advocacy and research international NGO, registered in the UK and US: https://www.securitywomen.org. 

We promote the equal participation of women in security sector institutions/organizations across the world - police, armed forces, private security, peacekeeping and cyber security – which are overly male dominated. The premise is that a better security for all in society can be created through reform of the security sector, both private and state, to incorporate human rights and a woman-friendly working environment. SecurityWomen has special consultative status with UN ECOSOC.

1. As the 25th anniversary of United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace and Security (WPS) approaches, SecurityWomen welcomes this inquiry as a timely opportunity to assess how effectively the UK has used its position at the UNSC – and its role as Penholder for the WPS agenda – to advance inclusive peace. We are particularly concerned with whether the UK is translating its leadership into meaningful action that not only addresses global conflict, but also ensures women’s full, equal, and active participation in peace and security processes.

How many times has the UK Mission brought WPS forward for debate in the last 2 years and to what purpose?

2. Over the past two years, the UK Mission has raised UNSCR 1325 at the UNSC, particularly during the annual Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) debates. In these sessions, UK representatives have highlighted the critical importance of women’s active participation in conflict resolution and the need to protect against sexual violence. [1] These debates serve as a platform to reaffirm the UK’s commitment to the WPS agenda and as an opportunity to advocate for gender-sensitive frameworks in peacebuilding and genuine inclusion of women in peace processes. Additionally, during regular Council sessions, UK officials have frequently reiterated the need to commit to “amplify the voices of women from all backgrounds and strengthen their active participation in peace and security processes.” [2]
3. However, while these debates are valuable for raising awareness, they have often been limited to rhetorical commitments rather than resulting in concrete, actionable outcomes. The UK’s role as penholder for UNSCR 1325 gives it a unique opportunity to ensure that these debates are more than just symbolic, but the lack of follow-through on these discussions has led to a sense that they remain performative in nature.
4. It has been disappointing that the UK Mission has not done more to support and implement Indonesia’s Resolution 2538 on Women in Peacekeeping, adopted in 2020, despite WPS being a recurring theme in debates and Council meetings. Furthermore, when the UK served as President of the UNSC in November, it did not convene a dedicated session on WPS – a missed opportunity to clearly demonstrate and reinforce its leadership and commitment to the WPS agenda.

How has the UK sought to improve the wording of WPS?

5. The UK has actively sought to refine and improve the language of UNSCR 1325, introducing more inclusive and progressive terms in recent years. This has included advocating for stronger language around the role of women in peace processes and addressing the intersectional vulnerabilities women face in conflict.
6. Despite these efforts, the changes to the wording of UNSCR 1325 have been incremental rather than transformative. Key provisions that would provide more robust support for women’s leadership and the full implementation of gender-sensitive peacebuilding strategies remain underdeveloped. The UK could further improve the agenda by ensuring that language around women’s inclusion is not only aspirational but accompanied by practical, measurable commitments for action and accountability.

Who has the UK brought to the UNSC to give evidence?

7. In line with its commitment to UNSCR 1325, the UK has made efforts to bring diverse voices to the UNSC, inviting civil society representatives, including women’s rights activists and experts from prominent international NGOs such as the International Rescue Committee (IRC) and UN Women. These briefings have provided valuable insights into the lived experiences of women in conflict zones and underscored the importance of including women’s perspectives in peace negotiations.
8. While these efforts are commendable, there remains a significant gap in ensuring that the voices brought to the table represent the full diversity of women in conflict settings, including grassroots women’s organisations. Ensuring that local women, who are on the frontline of peacebuilding, are better included in these discussions would provide a more comprehensive view of the challenges and solutions needed for sustainable peace.

Has the UK held meetings outside of the UNSC to allow INGOs to influence the debate?

9. The UK has facilitated side events and informal consultations outside the formal UNSC proceedings to ensure that civil society organisations (CSOs) and international non-governmental organisations (INGOs) have a platform to influence the WPS agenda. For example, the UK has supported the " The WPS Focal Points Network" which brought together Member States, regional organisations, UN agencies and civil society organisations to discuss the implementation of the WPS agenda. The UK also hosted the International Preventing Sexual Violence in Conflict Conference in 2022.  These informal settings are important for amplifying voices that may not have the direct opportunity to speak within the formal UNSC framework.
10. However, these meetings have often been sporadic and give the impression of a lack of integration into the UK’s broader UNSC strategy. While they allow INGOs to influence the debate, there is a risk that these discussions remain disconnected from formal decision-making processes.

Has the UK government funded any research into the efficacy of SCR 1325?

11. It is not clear if the UK has funded research into the implementation and impact of UNSCR 1325 globally. While the UK has conducted reviews of its National Action Plan (NAP) on Women, Peace and Security which provided a comprehensive analysis of the country’s efforts to mainstream gender into conflict resolution and peacebuilding processes, this has been limited in scope and duration, without clear follow-up or long-term evaluations.
12. To ensure the efficacy of UNSCR 1325, the UK should elevate its evaluations of all WPS-related activities. This research should focus on assessing the practical impact of WPS resolutions on the ground, particularly in conflict-affected regions.

Is role of Penholder at the UNSC symbolic and performative?

13. The role of Penholder at the UNSC, while not inherently symbolic, can become performative if it is not used to produce tangible, long-term results. The UK has made contributions as penholder, particularly in pushing for women’s rights and protection in conflict zones like Yemen and Sudan. However, despite strong rhetoric, there is often a gap between the UK’s actions as penholder and the actual outcomes of the resolutions it champions. It is disappointing that there has not been more participation of women in peace processes.
14. For penholdership to be meaningful, the UK must move beyond symbolic resolutions and push for accountability mechanisms that ensure the implementation of gender-inclusive peace and security processes. This includes allocating resources for women’s empowerment in post-conflict reconstruction and ensuring that gender equality is central to peacebuilding and community building efforts.

How possible is it to advance the agenda of conflict resolution at the UN Security Council, which is increasingly polarised? 

15. Advancing the agendas of conflict resolution and WPS, at the UNSC is becoming increasingly difficult due to the rising polarisation within the Council. The UK, alongside other members, faces challenges in pushing for resolutions that prioritise gender equality in conflict zones, particularly with the growing divide between permanent members like Russia and China and the Western bloc. Pushing for stronger language on the inclusion of women in peace processes, has often encountered resistance from other Security Council members who prioritise state sovereignty or geopolitical concerns over human rights.
16. Despite these challenges, the UK remains in a position to exert considerable influence, particularly by building coalitions with like-minded members and leveraging its penholder status to prioritise women’s inclusion in peace and security discussions. The UK should also explore alternative diplomatic channels outside the UNSC, including regional organisations and multilateral platforms, to ensure that the WPS agenda continues to advance even when the Security Council is at an impasse.

To what extent do cuts in the UK’s Overseas Development Assistance (ODA) budget impact upon the UK’s contributions to the UN?

17. The reduction in the UK’s Overseas Development Assistance (ODA) budget has had a significant impact on its ability to contribute meaningfully to conflict resolution and peacebuilding efforts, particularly those that focus on gender equality.  A cut in the ODA budget from 0.7% of GNI to 0.5% in 2020 had a disproportionate impact on gender equality and women’s rights, as a result of programmes specifically targeting women and girls being cut, and due to the greater gendered impacts of broader cuts in areas such as public services and social protection.[3]
18. These cuts undermine the UK’s effectiveness as a leader on the WPS agenda. Recognising the difficulties in the current financial climate, we would wish to see the UK restore funding as soon as possible to its development assistance programmes, particularly those that support women’s inclusion in peacebuilding.

15th April 2025