Written evidence from Runnymede Trust [GIS0034]
Introduction:
The Runnymede Trust is Britain’s leading independent racial justice think tank. For more than 50 years, we have worked tirelessly for racial justice. Proudly independent, we speak truth to power on race and racism without fear or favour. From broadening the curriculum to exposing the Windrush scandal, our work is rooted in challenging structural racism and its impact on communities of colour. Our authoritative, research-based interventions equip policymakers, practitioners, and the public with the tools to deliver genuine progress towards racial justice in Britain.
Understanding the Context regarding Islamophobia and Gendered Islamophobia:
Over the past two decades, our understanding of Islamophobia has evolved significantly across society. Islamophobia is more than just an irrational fear or hostility towards Islam, as it was initially described in early definitions of the term from organisations—particularly Runnymede Trust's influential 1997 report[1]. It is now widely recognised as a form of anti-Muslim racism that is deeply embedded in societal structures and systems of power. Runnymede Trust’s 2017 report[2] played a crucial role in advancing this understanding, moving away from individualised definitions and offering a comprehensive, contemporary framing of Islamophobia as:
“Any distinction, exclusion, restriction, or preference directed at Muslims (or those perceived to be Muslim) that aims to, or results in, nullifying or impairing their recognition, enjoyment, or exercise—on an equal footing—of human rights and fundamental freedoms across political, economic, social, cultural, or other areas of public life.”
Reflecting on current context, Islamophobia extends beyond overt acts of discrimination or hate crimes. It is institutional, systemic, and often instrumentalised through policy—particularly under the guise of national security. Scholars such as Sayyid (2014[3]) and Massoumi, Mills, and Miller (2017)[4] have argued that Islamophobia is not merely a social ill, but also a mechanism of governance. Their concept of the “Islamophobic state” highlights how counterterrorism laws and security frameworks function as infrastructure for anti-Muslim racism—securitising, surveilling, and pathologising Muslim communities. This is captured as a key theme in Runnymede Trust’s 2024 perspectives paper, entitled : Islamophobia: The Intensification of Racism Against Muslim Communities in the UK[5], which examines how Muslims in Britain are racialised—not just judged by individual behaviour but by assumed group identity, belief, and politics. As Nesrine Malik writes in our perspectives paper:
“Even though Muslims are not one race, they are still racialised—in that their treatment is based on assumptions about their beliefs, behaviour, and politics... They live in the long shadow of the War on Terror and the securitising of Muslims under anti-terror schemes... The result is persistent othering of Muslims in politics and the media.”
Muslims in Britain, therefore, are often positioned as both racial and religious outsiders, portrayed as threats to security and symbols of demographic or cultural anxiety—especially in the aftermath of political events. Runnymede Trust’s perspectives paper documented that during the 2024 general election, Muslim voter engagement was described as ‘sectarian’ or un-British[6]. Little attention was paid to the political arguments being made, including shared concerns about foreign policy, or the material and economic frustrations that underpinned Muslim communities’ views.
Within this broader framework of anti-Muslim racism, Muslim women face specific and intensified forms of discrimination. Gendered Islamophobia refers to the ways in which anti-Muslim racism is both racialised and gendered in its form and impact. Visibly Muslim women—particularly those who wear the hijab or other forms of Islamic dress—are often the most exposed to public hostility, institutional exclusion, and social marginalisation.
Sidrah Ahmed[7], Canadian researcher and creator of the Rivers of Hope toolkit, defines gendered Islamophobia as:
“The specific forms of Islamophobic stereotypes and discrimination that Muslim women face. Through gendered Islamophobia, Muslim women are portrayed as weak, oppressed, repressed, and as helpless victims.”
Ahmed’s definition indicates that stereotypes imposed on Muslims, have serious consequences. They shape public perception, influence policymaking, and justify exclusionary practices against Muslim communities. For instance, research indicates that Muslim women are often framed in binary terms: either as voiceless victims in need of rescue, or as suspicious figures complicit in extremism. Such portrayals strip Muslim women of agency and feed into paternalistic policy frameworks that marginalise, rather than support them. The concept of gendered Islamophobia gained early traction through scholars like Zine (2004)[8], who documented how Muslim women were disproportionately affected by Islamophobic violence. Easat-Daas (2019)[9] and Hopkins (2016)[10] have since expanded this body of work, uncovering through their research that Muslim women face intersecting forms of marginalisation across employment, education, healthcare, and immigration systems.These specific insights are not isolated experiences—they reveal systemic failures and the consequences of state-sanctioned narratives that frame Muslim women as problems to be managed, rather than individuals to be heard and supported.
Furthermore, gendered Islamophobia does not operate in isolation. As both Easat-Daas[11] and Alimahomed-Wilson (2020)[12] note, it is shaped by multiple, intersecting axes of inequality—including race, class, immigration status, and disability. Visibly Muslim women from working-class or migratised backgrounds often experience the sharpest forms of exclusion. Yet, they remain underrepresented in policy processes, and their perspectives are frequently overlooked in national debates.
The consequences of this are deep. Gendered Islamophobia affects mental health, limits access to opportunities, undermines civic engagement, and restricts freedom of expression. Yet, too often, discussions surrounding Islamophobia are derailed by theoretical debates—semantic diversions questioning whether Muslims, can experience racism. As Nesrine Malik states in Runnymede’s 2024 perspectives paper[13]:
“The less time is spent discussing the meaning and validity of Islamophobia and the more is dedicated to highlighting the lived reality, the sooner Muslims will be free to participate in public life and thrive in their private lives.”
As a result, understanding Islamophobia and its gendered dimensions is essential for addressing its pervasive impact on Muslim communities, particularly Muslim women and girls, who experience heightened discrimination. As we strive for greater social and racial justice, it is vital that we recognise and act on the structural nature of Islamophobia, ensuring that all individuals can fully participate in society, without fear of exclusion or marginalisation.
The Existing Landscape: A Surge in Gendered Islamophobia Since the Racist Riots
There has been a marked and concerning increase in gendered Islamophobia, particularly since the racist riots of summer 2024. Existing data highlights a disturbing trend: Muslim women are increasingly targeted through overt forms of Islamophobic abuse and violence. For instance, data from Tell MAMA[14]revealed that Islamophobic hate incidents surged by 335% in the year leading up to February 2024, with Muslim women disproportionately affected. This significant rise underscores the persistent societal challenges faced by Muslims.However, the structural factors that underpin these harmful narratives, remain largely unaddressed.
The racist riots of 2024 brought the issue of gendered Islamophobia into sharper focus. In response, the British Islamic Medical Association (BIMA)[15] conducted a survey in August 2024, gathering responses from 295 Muslim healthcare professionals. This survey’s findings emphasised the urgent need for greater awareness and intervention to tackle Islamophobia, particularly gendered Islamophobia. Among the key findings it was reported that:
● Over a third of respondents reported encountering Islamophobic or racist incidents from colleagues or patients in the three weeks following the riots.
● Female respondents were slightly more likely to experience Islamophobia, highlighting the disproportionate discrimination faced by Muslim women.
● Two-thirds of participants had previously experienced Islamophobia in the workplace, indicating that these incidents are not isolated but part of a deep-seated, systemic issue.
One account from the survey starkly illustrates the fear many Muslim women face since the riots: “A patient was racially abusive. A witness reported it to the police independently as I was trapped in my car after hours, unable to leave the site because the patient refused to leave the premises. My husband had to come and get me away from him.”
These findings demonstrate that Muslim women remain particularly vulnerable to public and overt Islamophobic attacks. During the riots, mosques were vandalised, individuals perceived as Muslim were assaulted, and many Muslim women feared leaving their homes. This explicitly illustrates that Islamophobia is not merely a policy issue, but a direct threat to the safety, dignity, and freedoms of Muslim women across Britain. The rise in gendered Islamophobia also reflects broader societal hostility towards Muslim communities. If left unaddressed, it risks further eroding the fundamental rights of Muslim women, and reinforcing their exclusion from public life. Tackling this issue requires urgent and decisive action to: address systemic discrimination, ensure accountability, and protect those most at risk.
As Beydoun and Sediqe (2023) argue[16], gendered Islamophobia is underpinned by three damaging and persistent tropes: the hyper-patriarchal Muslim man, the voiceless Muslim woman, and the white liberal saviour. These reductive narratives serve to legitimise surveillance, coercive integration policies, and institutional neglect of Muslim communities. Due to these tropes, Muslim women are increasingly treated as both subjects of suspicion and objects of intervention. Their clothing choices are politicised, their political participation pathologised, and their social contributions marginalised. In some cases, they are even co-opted into narratives that reinforce the very structures of Islamophobia that harm them.
The Gendered Impact on Muslim Men:
While much attention is given to the gendered challenges faced by Muslim women, it is equally crucial to examine the impact of gendered Islamophobia on Muslim men. Muslim men experience a unique set of challenges exacerbated by both racial and gender-based prejudice. In the current climate across the UK, Muslim men face compounded difficulties, living in a society that marginalises them due to both their religious identity and gender.
Research undertaken by the Muslim Council of Britain, highlights how Muslims, including Muslim men, are disproportionately affected by socio-economic deprivation. The data reveals that Muslims are far more likely to live in the most deprived fifth of local authority districts, with nearly half a million more Muslims now residing in these areas compared to 2011[17]. This experience of deprivation is further intensified by the gendered dimension of Islamophobia, where Muslim men are often reduced to negative, monolithic stereotypes. Research by Runnymede and other publications has shown that Muslim men bear a dual burden: they are targeted by both Islamophobic and gendered prejudices. Media portrayals frequently reduce them to one-dimensional figures—either as violent perpetrators or as emotionally distant individuals, incapable of tenderness or emotional depth. For instance, when Muslim men are victims of violence, their suffering is often overlooked, in stark contrast to the sensationalisation of Muslim male perpetrators (Britton, 2015[18]).
Beyond societal portrayals, the criminal justice system exacerbates the challenges faced by Muslim men. Research by Maslaha has shown that young Muslim men are disproportionately represented in the prison system. Despite comprising just 5% of the general population, Muslim men account for 17% of the prison population—more than double the figure from 2002[19]. This overrepresentation is often justified by media narratives that portray Muslim men as inherently violent or criminal. These racialised portrayals fuel systemic discrimination, deepening their alienation from society (Qasim, 2021[20]).
Furthermore, the "Muslim grooming gangs" narrative has also significantly intensified harmful stereotypes about Muslim men, associating them with sexual deviance and criminal behaviour. Initially propagated by right-wing media, this narrative has gained traction among liberal and feminist voices, resulting in a societal consensus that links Muslim men with criminality and sexual abuse. The portrayal of Muslim men as dangerous sexual predators has disproportionately impacted young Muslim men, furthering their marginalisation (Cockbain & Tufail, 2020[21]). This narrative has been particularly damaging in towns like Rotherham, where the racialisation of Muslim men is compounded by broader socio-economic issues such as deindustrialisation and economic deprivation. The association of Muslim men with sexual abuse has eroded their place in British society, reinforcing negative stereotypes and fuelling social backlash.
Research demonstrates that the weaponisation of the "Muslim grooming gangs" narrative by far-right movements[22], both in the UK and across Europe, has amplified already entrenched Islamophobic sentiments. Terms like "rape jihad" exploit fears of cultural invasion and replacement, further stoking Islamophobic attitudes. Alongside this, reports highlighting ethnic disproportionality in grooming cases are often flawed, undermining their reliability and failing to support the claim that Muslims are overrepresented in such crimes. National datasets on sexual offences do not corroborate these harmful narratives.
In addition to being the target of hostile narratives, Muslim men face Islamophobia through the lens of securitisation[23], which positions them as inherently dangerous and in need of constant control. This view frames Muslim men as aggressors beyond redemption, contributing to their dehumanisation and marginalisation. The racialisation of Muslim men as physical threats worsens their marginalisation and exclusion from society, reinforcing systemic Islamophobia and gendered Islamophobia.
The Need for a Comprehensive Response to Gendered Islamophobia:
Gendered Islamophobia is not a superficial issue—it is a defining force that cuts across and shapes the lived experiences of both Muslim women and men in the UK. It operates at the intersection of racial, religious, and gendered discrimination, resulting in layered forms of social alienation, economic exclusion, criminalisation, and systemic marginalisation. This is not a matter of individual bias alone, but of institutional and structural dynamics that demand a coordinated, evidence-based national response.
A meaningful response must begin with a clear and widely supported definition of Islamophobia—one that recognises its gendered nature, as articulated in the Runnymede Trust’s 2017 framework and our ongoing contributions regarding this topic. Islamophobia is not gender-neutral. It manifests differently across communities and individuals, but its effects are consistently racialised and gendered. Muslim women, particularly those from working-class and other marginalised backgrounds, experience some of the most acute and persistent forms of exclusion. Their voices must therefore be central—not peripheral—in the shaping, delivery, and evaluation of any future strategy. Policymakers, institutions, and service providers must be held to account through clear, measurable commitments. These include inclusive recruitment practices, robust equalities monitoring disaggregated by religion and gender, targeted investment in Muslim-led—especially women-led—civil society, and the consistent application of intersectional analysis throughout policy development and implementation.
Only by confronting the intersecting inequalities that underpin gendered Islamophobia, can we begin to address and tackle the structures that sustain exclusion. This is essential if Muslim communities in Britain are to live with dignity, participate fully, and thrive across all areas of public and private life.
Summary of Our Response and Key Areas of Focus:
This submission by the Runnymede Trust responds directly to the three core questions outlined in the Committee’s inquiry. It provides a rigorous, evidence-based analysis of gendered Islamophobia as a systemic, racialised, and intersectional form of anti-Muslim racism. Drawing on research, lived experience, and community engagement, the submission highlights the distinct yet interconnected ways Islamophobia impacts Muslim women and men—shaping their safety, opportunities, and rights in public and private life.
1. How does gendered Islamophobia intersect with other forms of discrimination?
Islamophobia is never experienced in isolation. It is shaped by overlapping factors including race, socio-economic status, migration background, and religious visibility. These intersections create distinct vulnerabilities—particularly for those who are visibly Muslim.
Muslim women, especially those who wear the hijab or otherwise express their faith visibly, face increased public hostility, workplace discrimination, and exclusion from institutions. Their gender and visibility position them as prime targets for both Islamophobic and racialised abuse. Muslim men, particularly those from working-class or migrant backgrounds, are often cast as aggressive or deviant—contributing to disproportionate surveillance, criminalisation, and mistrust, particularly in policing, education, and counter-terrorism policies.
Research consistently shows that those with compounded identities—Muslim women from marginalised ethnic communities, Muslim men in poverty, and those with visible religious markers—experience the most acute and layered forms of discrimination. The submission calls for nuanced, context-specific responses that reflect these realities and address the complexity of everyday Islamophobia.
2. What impact does Islamophobia have on Muslim women, men, and their communities?
Islamophobia is not limited to isolated incidents of hate—it is a structural condition that undermines dignity, safety, and civic participation. It is embedded in public services, the workplace, media, and education, shaping the everyday experiences of Muslims across the UK.
For Muslim women, this often includes daily harassment, restricted career progression, and scrutiny of their religious dress—particularly the hijab. For Muslim men, the effects manifest as suspicion, stop-and-search, surveillance, and damaging media portrayals. The cumulative impacts are severe: worsening mental health, diminished access to education and employment, and silenced political voices. At a community level, Islamophobia corrodes trust in institutions and fosters exclusion and fear. These are not abstract concerns—they are lived, daily realities for Muslim women and men, and they demand urgent redress.
3. What steps—legislative or otherwise—must the Government take to address Islamophobia?
Current legal and policy frameworks fail to adequately protect Muslim communities from intersecting harms rooted in race, gender, and religion. The submission sets out key, concrete reforms needed to ensure protection, accountability, and meaningful inclusion:
● Legislate for intersectional protection, recognising Islamophobia as a racialised and gendered form of discrimination. Anti-discrimination law must address the interplay of race, gender, and religion in a coordinated manner.
● Reform hate crime legislation to explicitly recognise Islamophobic abuse—verbal, physical, and online—as systemic. Responses must prioritise prevention and community-led solutions, including restorative justice and accessible legal support.
● End the Prevent strategy in education and healthcare, where it undermines trust, stigmatises young Muslims, and fosters fear and self-censorship. Introduce independent oversight and accessible redress mechanisms to ensure accountability.
● Strengthen workplace protections, including legal safeguards for religious dress, mandatory anti-discrimination training, transparent promotion routes, and effective reporting systems. This is especially vital for Muslim women and women of colour.
● Establish a statutory, independent media regulator to ensure ethical journalism and challenge Islamophobic portrayals. Harmful tropes—such as the "voiceless victim" or "threatening male"—must be replaced with dignified, accurate representation.
● Fund Muslim-led and women-led civil society organisations, recognising their essential role in advocacy, prevention, and support. Disaggregated equalities monitoring by religion and gender must be embedded in all public sector reporting to drive transparency and change.
To summarise, this submission affirms that challenging gendered Islamophobia requires systemic change and collective responsibility. The burden cannot—and must not—fall solely on Muslim communities. It is the responsibility of government, public institutions, employers, educators, and the media to act decisively. Only by recognising the full extent of Islamophobia’s structural, racialised, and gendered dimensions can we move towards a society where all Muslims—women and men alike—can live with dignity, participate equally, and thrive.
Question 1: How does gendered Islamophobia intersect with other forms of discrimination?
Gendered Islamophobia operates at the intersection of multiple and overlapping systems of discrimination, including racism, classism, xenophobia, and migration status. For Muslim women, these forms of oppression do not function separately but are experienced in complex, interconnected ways that shape their everyday lives and access to rights, safety, and opportunity.
Visibility and Gendered Racialisation
Muslim women are uniquely racialised through their visibility—particularly those who wear religious dress such as the hijab or niqab. This visibility renders them hyper-identifiable as Muslim, making them primary targets for abuse in public spaces. Selod (2018)[24] describes this process as gendered racialisation—a framework that explains how Muslim women’s bodies become symbols of religious and cultural identity, and therefore sites of both surveillance and hostility. The hijab is politicised within media and policy discourse, cast either as a symbol of female oppression or extremism. This framing not only fuels interpersonal Islamophobia—such as verbal harassment or physical assault—but also institutional scrutiny and exclusion (Bullock, 2002; Dwyer, 2008).
Race and Ethnicity
Racial identity significantly shapes how Muslim women experience Islamophobia. Black and South Asian Muslim women, for example, encounter dual systems of racism—anti-Blackness or anti-Asian discrimination in addition to anti-Muslim prejudice. Black Muslim women are particularly marginalised, often rendered invisible in dominant narratives about Islamophobia, despite experiencing some of its most severe manifestations. This intersectional erasure limits understanding and policy responses to their specific needs and vulnerabilities.
Socioeconomic Status and Class
Working-class Muslim women face significant disadvantage, particularly in employment. Evidence suggests that Muslim women who wear the hijab are frequently overlooked in recruitment processes, perceived by employers as “less competent” or “less compatible” with dominant workplace norms (Zine, 2006). These discriminatory practices not only restrict access to economic opportunities but also reinforce broader cycles of poverty and marginalisation. Class inequality compounds other forms of discrimination, limiting access to education, healthcare, and stable housing.
Xenophobia and Migration Status
Migrant and asylum-seeking Muslim women experience an added layer of discrimination grounded in xenophobic and anti-immigration rhetoric. As Runnymede Trust’s Hostile Environment research highlights, media narratives frequently construct Muslim migrants—especially those from refugee or irregularised backgrounds—as cultural threats or security risks. This framing disproportionately affects women, who are either presented as passive victims needing to be ‘rescued’ or as carriers of an ‘alien’ culture incompatible with British values. The intersection of Islamophobia with immigration status produces a form of exclusion that is both racialised and gendered, subjecting women to suspicion, policy hostility, and social isolation (Rana, 2011; Selod & Embrick, 2013).
A Matrix of Gendered Islamophobia
These intersecting oppressions are embedded within what Alimahomed-Wilson (2020[25]) calls a matrix of gendered Islamophobia—a structure operating across four domains of power:
The lived experience of gendered Islamophobia is not simply a matter of religious intolerance, but rather the outcome of intersecting systems of racial, economic, and cultural inequality. The Runnymede Trust’s research provides powerful evidence that this form of discrimination is not only widespread, but systematically embedded within British media and institutional discourse. Muslim communities—particularly those who are migratised, seeking asylum, or otherwise racialised—are consistently portrayed through reductive and hostile narratives that frame their identities as inherently dangerous, deviant, or culturally incompatible. These portrayals disproportionately depict Muslim men as threats and Muslim women as oppressed, reinforcing gendered and racialised stereotypes that uphold and legitimise exclusionary policies and public attitudes. For Muslim women—especially those who are working-class, racialised, or have insecure immigration status—these intersecting oppressions deeply undermine their safety, dignity, and full participation in society. It is therefore essential that any meaningful policy response is rooted in an intersectional framework that recognises and addresses these layered injustices. Without this, strategies to tackle Islamophobia will remain superficial and risk perpetuating the very harms they seek to redress.
Insights emerging from Runnymede Trust and MCB’s research on Islamophobia:
In our flagship research project A Hostile Environment (2024)[26], Runnymede exposed how political and media rhetoric around immigration has constructed Muslims, especially those arriving through irregular routes, as the quintessential 'other'. A recent op-ed in The Mail on Sunday (February 2024), for instance, exemplified this pattern. It called for the deportation of foreign nationals who “glorify Islamist terrorism,” advocated for a “genuine third-country deterrent,” and demanded that newcomers “adapt” to British society—positioning migrants, especially Muslim men, as both cultural threats and national security risks. This language functions not simply as policy advocacy, but as a moral panic strategy: mobilising public fear around Islam, migration, and racial difference in order to justify increasingly draconian immigration policies.
Phase two of our Hostile Environment report (forthcoming, June 2025) continues to track this pattern, documenting cases where media coverage has weaponised concern for women and children to vilify Muslim men. In one example from Mail Online, a story linking “ISIS extremists” to a Syrian refugee camp centred allegations that women were being targeted, thereby activating longstanding Islamophobic tropes about Muslim men’s perceived backwardness and misogyny. Such representations are consistent with what scholars and activists have termed femonationalism: the instrumentalisation of women’s rights to promote nationalist, xenophobic and anti-Muslim agendas. Here, violence against women is not treated as a systemic societal issue—despite it being a declared national emergency in the UK—but rather as a selective and racialised narrative device used to cast Muslim men as uniquely dangerous and morally inferior.
This selective outrage is both revealing and harmful. When white British men commit acts of violence against women and girls, these incidents are rarely positioned as reflective of an inherent cultural or civilisational failure. In contrast, when the alleged perpetrators are Muslim or racialised men, the narrative shifts to one of collective guilt, cultural deviance, and civilisational threat. This double standard not only distorts public understanding of gender-based violence but actively undermines solidarity across communities by using the language of feminism to entrench racist and Islamophobic tropes.
These findings align with earlier evidence from the Muslim Council of Britain’s State of Media Reporting on Islam and Muslims (2018)[27], which conducted a systematic review of over 10,000 articles and broadcast segments. The report revealed that almost one in four online articles misrepresented Muslim beliefs or behaviour, with right-leaning and religious publications being the most egregious offenders. Notably, Daily Mail Australia published the highest proportion of “Very Biased” content (37%), followed by Christian Today (35%) and The Spectator (29%), against a backdrop average of 9%. This evidence demonstrates a sustained pattern of antagonistic bias in media reporting, with Muslim communities frequently mischaracterised through misleading headlines, unreliable sources, and the platforming of far-right perspectives.
Television coverage reflected similar disparities. While regional broadcasters such as ITV were more balanced, national platforms like Sky News featured the highest proportion of “Very Biased” clips (14%). Alarmingly, drama and topical debate programmes were identified as key mediums for perpetuating negative stereotypes, with 16% of television drama clips rated as misleading in their portrayal of Muslims and Islam.
These hostile narratives contribute to what Runnymede identifies as the spectacle of refugee deviancy: a process in which refugee and migrant communities are routinely cast as deviant, dangerous and deceptive, while the violence and illegality of the state—such as breaches of the Refugee Convention under hostile environment policies—are rendered invisible or normalised. Public discourse, driven by media and echoed in parliamentary debate, routinely instructs the public to blame refugees and asylum seekers for societal issues such as strained public services. This diverts attention from structural failings while legitimising aggressive state responses and justifying systemic exclusion.
Moreover, the racialised framing of Muslim migrants as inherently criminal serves a dual function: it dehumanises these communities while enabling the expansion of punitive immigration controls. These discourses do not emerge in a vacuum but are the product of institutionalised racism, embedded in political speech, editorial practices, and state policy frameworks.
Critically, Muslim women bear the combined burden of these intersecting oppressions. Subject to both Islamophobia and misogyny, they are often hyper-visible in debates around integration and ‘British values,’ yet marginalised in conversations about their agency, contributions, and rights. Without an intersectional lens that recognises how racism, gendered Islamophobia, and xenophobia operate together, any strategy to address Islamophobia will fall short.
Consequently, the Runnymede Trust’s research and the MCB’s analysis provide convincing evidence that Islamophobia—particularly in its gendered forms—is a structural issue reinforced by media narratives and institutional practices. Tackling it requires a holistic approach that goes beyond surface level commitments to equality. We must confront the mechanisms through which Muslim communities are vilified and dehumanised in public discourse, and implement legal, cultural, and institutional reforms that centre justice, accountability, and the lived experiences of those most impacted.
Question 2) What impact does Islamophobia have on Muslim women, their communities, and wider society?
Islamophobia is not a singular experience; its impact varies depending on a person’s multiple, intersecting identities.
The Matrix of Gendered Islamophobia, as explored by Alimohamed Wilson (2020), provides a detailed framework for understanding the multifaceted ways in which Muslim women face discrimination. This matrix highlights the structural, hegemonic, disciplinary, and interpersonal levels at which Islamophobia operates, and the ways these intersect to impact Muslim women’s lives in profound ways.
1. Structural Islamophobia:
At the structural level, Islamophobia is embedded in state policies and practices that disproportionately affect Muslim women, especially in the areas of counterterrorism, immigration, and family law.
a) The Prevent Strategy:
Government counterterrorism measures such as Prevent, a central pillar of the UK’s counter-extremism strategy, have disproportionately impacted Muslim communities—particularly Muslim women. The Runnymede Trust and Amnesty International’s submission to the UN Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination (CERD)[28] provides substantial evidence of the deeply racialised and gendered nature of these policies. In practice, Prevent has enabled a culture of surveillance that extends into public institutions, most notably schools and universities. Muslim students have been required to submit event plans and speaker scripts in advance, with activities such as gender-segregated events—common in many faith-based communities—subjected to disproportionate regulation and sometimes outright cancellation. These measures not only restrict freedom of expression and association but also foster a climate of fear and censorship.
The CERD submission further documents troubling incidents where children were questioned by police in schools without the presence of their parents, and families reported experiencing harassment following referrals. For example, in 2023, shortly after the escalation of violence in Gaza, the Metropolitan Police were instructed to intensify surveillance efforts, including increased patrols and intelligence gathering in schools in south-west London. These measures risk conflating expressions of political solidarity with extremism and further alienating already marginalised communities. The impact of Prevent is far-reaching and often deeply personal. It has led to the erosion of trust in state institutions, the exacerbation of mental health challenges such as anxiety and distress, and financial burdens associated with seeking legal advice or challenging referrals. For many, Prevent has a chilling effect on civic engagement, deterring individuals from participating in legitimate political activity or community organising for fear of being labelled as ‘extremist’ or falling under state scrutiny.
Despite repeated concerns raised by civil society organisations, academics, and affected communities, government engagement has been minimal and at times openly hostile. The 2019 amendment to the Counter-Terrorism and Border Security Act mandated an independent review of Prevent. However, the process was marred by significant delays and controversy. The original reviewer was removed following a legal challenge due to prior support for the programme. His successor, William Shawcross, was appointed despite previous inflammatory remarks about Islam, leading to a widespread boycott of the review by over 550 Muslim organisations and 17 civil society groups. Shawcross’s final report, published in February 2023—four years after the review was commissioned—was widely criticised. Rather than addressing the substantive concerns raised, it focused on reaffirming Prevent’s current trajectory, calling for a renewed focus on ‘Islamist extremism’. It also proposed measures to counter critical narratives, raising concerns about the suppression of dissent and the delegitimisation of civil society actors. Over 200 organisations, academics, and community leaders subsequently called for the report’s withdrawal.
Worryingly, senior political figures attempted to discredit Muslim civil society organisations and their allies by characterising legitimate critiques as part of a so-called ‘grievance culture’ or blaming ‘political correctness’ for the policy’s shortcomings. Such rhetoric has only served to deflect attention from Prevent’s systemic failings and to scapegoat the very communities most impacted by its harms. In sum, the Prevent strategy, as evidenced in the CERD report, represents a clear example of how gendered Islamophobia intersects with state power, migration status, race, and religion. It has institutionalised suspicion towards Muslim communities—particularly Muslim women—and created an environment in which basic rights to expression, association, and dignity are continually undermined under the guise of national security.
b) Muslim Motherhood and Gendered Islamophobia
The intersection of gender and Islamophobia is starkly evident in the maternal health experiences of Muslim women in the UK. Research commissioned by the All Party Parliamentary Group on Muslim Women, conducted by Muslim Women’s Network UK, sheds light on the systemic discrimination faced by Muslim women during pregnancy and childbirth. The report, Invisible: Maternity Experiences of Muslim Women from Racialised Minority Communities[29], explores the experiences of Muslim women from Black, Asian, and other minority ethnic backgrounds, as well as white Muslim women, to assess any disparities. This research, based on a survey of over 1,000 Muslim women alongside interviews and a focus group, highlights significant inequalities rooted in intersecting identities of ethnicity, religion, and class.
Among the report’s 23 key findings, several point to the ways in which Muslim women experience discrimination and bias in maternity services. These include:
● Inadequate, non-personalised care: Despite minority ethnic groups being more likely to face specific health risks, additional screenings and care tailored to their needs are often not provided. This lack of personalised care increases the risk of poor health outcomes for these women.
● Hierarchy of bias: Black women, particularly Black African women, were found to receive the lowest levels of satisfaction and care, followed by South Asian women. This suggests that bias in maternity care operates within a hierarchy, with women from different ethnic backgrounds experiencing varying levels of discrimination.
● Denial of choice: Many Muslim women reported being denied the freedom to choose their preferred mode of birth, such as opting for a caesarean section, home birth, or water birth. This lack of agency over crucial decisions regarding their maternal health reflects broader issues of control and autonomy faced by Muslim women within the healthcare system.
● Poor miscarriage care: Among those surveyed, 15% of women and 25% of women interviewed had experienced a miscarriage. Many of these women reported a lack of compassion, insufficient psychological support, and culturally insensitive bereavement care. Additionally, their experiences often did not meet the standards outlined in National Institute for Health and Care Excellence (NICE) guidelines, further highlighting disparities in care.
● Pain relief denial: A significant number of women reported being denied adequate pain relief during childbirth. Many felt that their pain was not taken seriously, and their concerns were dismissed, exacerbating feelings of exclusion and marginalisation in an already vulnerable situation.
These findings demonstrate the compounded forms of discrimination Muslim women face in maternal healthcare, revealing how gendered Islamophobia intersects with race, class, and religious identity to exacerbate their marginalisation. The evidence presented in this research underscores the urgent need for healthcare reforms that address these inequalities, ensuring Muslim women receive culturally competent, personalised, and compassionate care throughout their maternity journey.
2. Hegemonic Islamophobia: The Media and Political Narratives
Hegemonic Islamophobia refers to the dominant narratives in media, politics, and public discourse that reduce Muslim women to binary, reductive portrayals—as either oppressed victims needing "saving" or as dangerous threats to national security. These harmful narratives have significant consequences, influencing public perception and shaping discriminatory policies.
Fleur Allen's research[30] highlights the widespread and damaging perpetuation of gendered Islamophobia in the media. For example, in an article from The Independent titled "Between faith and fanaticism," described “beheadings, amputations, women as subservient” as representative of Islam. This narrative, which frames Islam as a ‘monolithic’ and ‘barbaric’ religion, fails to recognise the diversity and complexity within Muslim communities. The use of such reductive tropes reinforces harmful stereotypes and further marginalises Muslim women by presenting their faith as inherently oppressive.
Fleur’s research also notes the media's reliance on ‘stock stories’ that consistently depict Muslim women in negative, stereotypical ways. One such recurring narrative is that Muslim women are universally oppressed by their religion, ignoring the progressive rights afforded to them by Islam. This portrayal fails to acknowledge the progressive rights afforded to women in Islam long before many Western legal systems, such as inheritance rights that were granted to Muslim women under Shari'ah law centuries before similar rights were won by Western women, with the Married Women's Property Act 1870 marking a significant step towards gender equality in Britain. This selective representation of Islam as inherently misogynistic perpetuates a skewed and incomplete understanding of the lived experiences of Muslim women, contributing to public misconceptions and increasing Islamophobic sentiment.
Moreover, the media’s portrayal of Muslim communities—particularly Muslim women—also plays a pivotal role in legitimising and reinforcing broader political agendas. By consistently portraying Muslim women through reductive stereotypes, the media serves to further entrench the ideological divide between Muslim communities and wider society, making it easier for hostile policies and public attitudes to gain traction.
In summary, the media plays a central role in promoting hegemonic Islamophobia by perpetuating harmful, simplistic representations of Muslim women. These portrayals contribute to the marginalisation and exclusion of Muslim communities, reinforcing prejudices and legitimising discriminatory policies.
3. Disciplinary Islamophobia: Workplace and Educational Discrimination
Institutional discrimination in employment, education, and public services worsens the marginalisation of Muslim women, limiting their access to opportunities and hindering their full participation in society. Research by Runnymede and the Fawcett Society in their report Broken Ladders[31] sheds light on the scale of this issue, revealing that institutional racism is widespread across all sectors and organisations. Key findings include:
● Prevalence of Racism: 75% of women of colour have experienced racism at work, with 27% encountering racial slurs.
● Pressure to Conform: 61% of women of colour reported altering aspects of their identity—such as language, hairstyle, or even changing their name—to "fit in" at work.
● Well-being Impact: 39% of women of colour reported that a lack of career progression negatively affected their well-being, compared to 28% of white women. Furthermore, 43% of women of colour experienced a loss of motivation due to being denied promotion.
● Blocked Progression: 28% of women of colour reported their progression was actively blocked by a manager, compared to 19% of white women, with 42% reporting being passed over for promotion despite positive feedback.
● Recruitment Discrimination: 52% of women of colour experienced discrimination during recruitment, including being asked for UK qualifications or to prove fluency in English, and being asked for ethnicity information outside of monitoring processes.
In the workplace, Islamophobia manifests through both overt discrimination in hiring and subtle barriers that prevent Muslim women from thriving professionally. Muslim women, particularly those who wear the hijab, face significant biases that often result in being overlooked for job opportunities, wage disparities, and workplace harassment. Discriminatory practices such as limitations on religious dress further restrict their ability to participate fully in professional environments, reinforcing the cycle of marginalisation. These barriers are compounded by a broader societal environment in which Muslim women are frequently subject to racial and religious prejudice.
Barriers in Education:
Research by Tell MAMA (Measuring Anti-Muslim Attacks) has highlighted a disturbing rise in Islamophobic bullying within schools, particularly following high-profile events like the Manchester Arena bombing. In 2017, Tell MAMA[32] recorded 839 incidents of Islamophobic abuse, 6% (53) of which took place in educational institutions. These incidents reveal the vulnerability of Muslim youth to retaliation-based hostility, with students being subjected to derogatory comments such as being labelled a “terrorist” or being told to “go blow up another town.” The emotional toll of Islamophobic bullying in schools is significant, contributing to mental health issues such as depression, anxiety, substance abuse, and paranoia. This atmosphere of exclusion limits young Muslims’ opportunities and perpetuates a cycle of educational and socio-economic marginalisation.
Research by the Aziz Foundation[33] has also highlighted significant barriers that Muslim communities, particularly Muslim women, face in education and employment. Muslims in the UK experience disproportionately high levels of unemployment, with the rate for Muslims (12.8%) being more than double that of the general population (5.4%). Furthermore, 41% of Muslims are economically inactive, compared to 21.8% of the broader population. These challenges are the result of multiple, intersecting factors, including discrimination, Islamophobia, stereotyping, and a lack of tailored advice on higher education (HE) choices. For female British Muslims, these barriers are even more pronounced. They often face what has been termed a ‘triple penalty,’ being discriminated against due to their gender, ethnicity, and religion. This intersectional disadvantage is reflected in the fact that 65% of economically inactive Muslims are women. The lack of role models in both education and employment further exacerbates these challenges, limiting the opportunities available to young Muslim women and hindering their ability to progress socially and economically.
4. Interpersonal Islamophobia:
At the interpersonal level, Muslim women, especially those who wear the hijab, are disproportionately targeted by Islamophobic hate crimes, public harassment, and verbal abuse. These acts of violence create an atmosphere of fear, isolation, and psychological distress. As reported by the European Network Against Racism[34] (ENAR), visibly Muslim women are more likely to experience verbal abuse that can escalate into physical assault, making them frequent victims of both racial and religious hostility. The impact of this abuse is severe, often leading to anxiety, depression, and post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD).
ENAR's findings underscore the extent of the problem:
● Hate Crimes and Harassment: Muslim women are particularly vulnerable to hate crimes due to the symbolism of their attire, such as the hijab. These incidents are often under-reported due to a sense of trivialisation, a lack of faith in law enforcement, and limited awareness of what constitutes a hate crime.
● Stereotypes and Media Influence: Media narratives, particularly in the tabloid press, amplify negative stereotypes about Muslims, reinforcing public anxieties. This not only fuels Islamophobic sentiment but also contributes to the violence and harassment Muslim women face in public spaces.
● Discrimination in Employment: Research also reveals that Muslim women with ethnic-sounding names face greater challenges in securing interviews, with Pakistani and Bangladeshi women particularly impacted by overqualification and unemployment rates far higher than their white counterparts. These disparities are often driven by stereotypes about Muslim women’s cultural differences.
● Counter-Terrorism Impact: Islamophobic harassment is further compounded by counter-terrorism policies, such as the Prevent programme. Muslim women, often viewed through a lens of ‘victimhood’ and ‘pathological Muslim patriarchy’, are frequently subjected to top-down approaches that overlook their broader socio-economic struggles and the racial and patriarchal discrimination they face in society.
These findings illustrate how interpersonal Islamophobia—amplified by harmful media narratives, discrimination in employment, and counter-terrorism policies—continues to target Muslim women, reinforcing their marginalisation in both public and private spheres.
In summary, Islamophobia has a significant and pervasive impact on Muslim women, their communities, and society at large, with far-reaching consequences for social cohesion, equality, and democracy.
Undermining Social Cohesion
Islamophobia fosters division, mistrust, and segregation within society, creating a chasm between Muslim communities and the broader population. As highlighted by the Runnymede Trust’s Hostile Environment research, the portrayal of asylum seeking and migratised communities, a majority of whom are Muslim men and women are a threat, exacerbates societal fear and exclusion. This representation hinders constructive dialogue and mutual understanding, undermining efforts to foster social integration and cohesion. The media’s portrayal of Muslim women, as evidenced by Fleur Allen’s research, consistently reinforces these stereotypes, creating an environment where suspicion and mistrust flourish.
Reinforcing Social Inequalities
Islamophobia is inextricably linked to gender and socio-economic inequalities. The Aziz Foundation report underscores that Muslim women, particularly those from racialised backgrounds, face a 'triple penalty' of being female, ethnic minority, and Muslim. This compounded discrimination keeps Muslim women in positions of socio-economic disadvantage, with high rates of underemployment, economic inactivity, and limited access to education and employment opportunities. Research by the Fawcett Society and Runnymede Trust entitled Broken Ladders, highlights that Muslim women are disproportionately affected by workplace discrimination and underrepresentation in higher education, contributing to a cycle of deprivation and marginalisation.
Policy Recommendations
To address the compounded forms of discrimination Muslim women face, the following policy recommendations must be prioritised:
● Ending discriminatory counter-terrorism policies such as Prevent, which disproportionately target Muslim women and mischaracterise them as passive victims of patriarchal oppression, as noted in the ENAR report.
● Combatting workplace and educational discrimination, particularly for Muslim women who wear the hijab, and tackling the biases that hinder their professional and academic advancement.
● Addressing harmful media narratives that perpetuate reductive stereotypes of Muslim women, which have been demonstrated in both Fleur Allen’s and the Runnymede Trust’s research.
● Ensuring greater representation and inclusion of Muslim women in decision-making processes, allowing them to shape policies that directly affect their lives.
Without urgent, targeted action, Islamophobia will continue to deepen societal divisions, reinforce gendered and racial inequalities, and harm both Muslim women and society as a whole. By addressing these systemic issues, we can begin to foster a more inclusive, cohesive, and equitable society for all.
Question 3) What steps—legislative or otherwise—must the Government take to address Islamophobia?
To effectively combat the complex and multifaceted issue of Islamophobia, the government must take both legislative and practical actions. These efforts should not only address the root causes of Islamophobia but also its gendered impact on Muslim women, recognising that Islamophobia operates at the intersection of religion, race, class, and gender. A robust, intersectional approach is required, one that eliminates the multiple layers of discrimination faced by Muslim women, while also empowering Muslim communities to live free from fear, exclusion, and violence. The government's response must be comprehensive, strategic, and deeply committed to dismantling structural Islamophobia.
Drawing from Another Europe’s 2024 Anti-Islamophobia Conference Report[35], the following steps must be urgently prioritised:
● Officially recognise Islamophobia as a form of racism and a distinct type of discrimination, ensuring it is categorised as such in legal frameworks.
● Acknowledge gendered Islamophobia and violence against Muslim women as a category of violence against women and girls.
● Officially recognise structural and institutional Islamophobia, and work with Muslim-led representative groups to develop and implement action plans that tackle this issue across public institutions.
● Address incidents of hate towards Muslims with the same urgency as those targeting other racial and religious groups, ensuring adequate funding and resources.
● Challenge the Islamophobic political and media culture, with clear sanctions for those inciting hate or promoting harmful stereotypes towards Muslims.
● Combat the scapegoating of Muslims and migrants for poverty and inequality, which are largely a consequence of austerity, neoliberalism, and capitalism.
● End the 'War on Terror' rhetoric and political and military interventions, including halting support for regimes engaged in human rights abuses.
Furthermore, the following must be considered:
1) To effectively tackle Islamophobia and gendered Islamophobia, the government must recognise it as a racialised form of discrimination, particularly impacting Muslim women[36]. These include withdrawing the Prevent strategy from education and healthcare, where it fosters fear, self-censorship, and stigmatisation, particularly of Muslim men and women. There must be independent oversight and accountability for Prevent, ensuring transparency and accessible remedies for those unjustly targeted. The emphasis on surveillance and data collection in schools contradicts the aims of promoting understanding and inclusion, undermining trust in public services. To address these issues, we urge the UK government to adopt these recommendations, ensuring a more inclusive, accountable approach that upholds fundamental rights and dismantles systemic discrimination.
2) To effectively address workplace discrimination, particularly against Muslim women, we align with the key recommendations from Broken Ladders[37], highlighting the need for urgent change across all sectors. The government must strengthen workplace protections, especially for hijab-wearing Muslim women, by enforcing mandatory policies that accommodate religious dress and protect religious expression. Employers should be required to implement comprehensive anti-discrimination training to address both subtle and overt biases. Furthermore, to break down barriers to career progression, we advocate for transparent and equitable promotion structures, ensuring clear and fair progression routes. Employers must also establish accessible and confidential reporting mechanisms for racial discrimination. Government action is crucial, including backing business-led initiatives to tackle ethnicity and gender pay gaps, legislating to ban salary history questions, and requiring salary transparency in job advertisements. By fostering an inclusive and supportive environment, these measures will enable Muslim women, and women of colour more broadly, to reach their full potential and contribute meaningfully to the workforce.
3) Hate crime legislation must be urgently revised to explicitly recognise Islamophobic attacks—whether physical, verbal, or online—as serious, hate-motivated crimes. While penalties are required, a preventative approach should prioritise support, restorative justice, and community safety over punitive measures. The government must ensure Muslim women have access to comprehensive services, including safe spaces, counselling, and legal aid. In line with our CERD report[38], we advocate for increased funding for community groups and grassroots organisations focused on prevention and support. Reporting hate crimes must be safer and more accessible, with victims confident that their experiences will be taken seriously. Additionally, disaggregated hate crime data should be collected, made publicly available, and regularly reviewed to enhance policies and practices combating hate crime.
4) To combat Islamophobia effectively, the government must introduce stronger regulations to ensure media portrayals of Muslim women are accurate, respectful, and free from discrimination. Media narratives, often reducing Muslim women to stereotypes of victimhood or radicalisation, contribute significantly to harmful public perceptions. Journalists, editors, political commentators, and politicians must recognise their role in perpetuating these damaging stereotypes. To this end, we call for the introduction of a statutory, independent regulator for print and online newspapers in the UK, with a clear focus on ethics training for journalists and a commitment to inclusive practices. Media outlets should be held accountable for spreading Islamophobic content or hate speech, and there should be robust measures to promote diverse, positive representations of Muslim women. These actions, in line with recommendations from our A Hostile Environment report[39] (Feb 2025), would help dismantle harmful stereotypes, ensure Muslim women are treated with dignity and respect, and contribute to the broader fight against discrimination
Gendered Islamophobia remains a pervasive and deeply entrenched aspect of anti-Muslim racism in Britain. As highlighted across our responses to questions above, it operates across multiple domains of power, perpetuating structural, hegemonic, and interpersonal oppression. Addressing this pressing issue demands sustained and meaningful action. The Runnymede Trust calls on the Committee to take decisive steps in dismantling the systemic barriers Muslim women face. Strengthening legal protections, fostering truly inclusive institutions, and challenging harmful narratives are crucial to advancing a more just and equitable society—one where Muslim women and wider Muslim communities are not merely tolerated, but empowered to fully participate, thrive and flourish.
[1] Runnymede Trust Commission on British Muslims and Islamophobia, Conway, G. and Runnymede Trust (1997) Islamophobia: a challenge for us all. Report of the Runnymede Trust Commission on British Muslims and Islamophobia. London: Runnymede Trust
[2] Elahi, F. and Khan, O. (2017). A 20th-anniversary report Still a challenge for us all Runnymede: Intelligence for a Multi-ethnic Britain. [online] Available at: https://cdn.prod.website-files.com/61488f992b58e687f1108c7c/61bcd30e26cca7688f7a5808_Islamophobia%20Report%202018%20FINAL.pdf.
[3] Sayyid, S. (2014). A Measure of Islamophobia. JOURNAL, [online] 2(1), pp.10–25. Available at: https://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/id/eprint/83697/1/Sayyid%20A%20Measure%20of%20Islamophobia-%20journal%20version.pdf
[4] Massoumi, N., Mills, T. and Miller, D. (2017). What is Islamophobia? Racism, social movements and the State. [online] research.aston.ac.uk. Pluto Press. Available at: https://research.aston.ac.uk/en/publications/what-is-islamophobia-racism-social-movements-and-the-state
[5] Runnymedetrust.org. (2024). Islamophobia: the intensification of racism against Muslim communities in the UK. [online] Available at: https://www.runnymedetrust.org/publications/islamophobia-the-intensification-of-racism-against-muslim-communities-in-the-uk
[6] Ibid
[7] NIQABAE (2018). What is Gendered Islamophobia? Sidrah Ahmad Explains - Muslim Girl. [online] Muslim Girl. Available at: https://muslimgirl.com/pre-ramadan-gendered-islamophobia-sidrah-ahmed/
[8] J. Zine (2004) Staying on the ‘straight path’: A critical ethnography of Islamic schooling in Ontario, [online], Available at: Staying on the 'straight path': a critical ethnography of Islamic schooling in Ontario
[9] Easat-Daas, A., 2019. The gendered dimension of Islamophobia in Belgium. In: I. Zempi and A. Awan, eds. The Routledge International Handbook of Islamophobia. London: Routledge, pp. 223–235
[10] P. Hopkins, Gendering Islamophobia, racism and White supremacy: Gendered violence against those who look Muslim
Dialogues in Human Geography, 6 (2) (2016), pp. 186-189 (SAGE Publications Sage UK: London, England)
[11] Easat-Daas, op. cit., p. 223- 235
[12] Alimahomed-Wilson, S., 2020. The matrix of gendered Islamophobia: Muslim women’s repression and resistance. Gender & Society, 34(4), pp.648–678
[13] Runnymedetrust.org. (2024). Islamophobia: the intensification of racism against Muslim communities in the UK. [online] Available at: https://www.runnymedetrust.org/publications/islamophobia-the-intensification-of-racism-against-muslim-communities-in-the-uk
[14] Tellmama (2024). Greatest Rise in Reported Anti-Muslim Hate Cases to Tell MAMA since Oct 7th. [online] TELL MAMA. Available at: https://tellmamauk.org/greatest-rise-in-reported-anti-muslim-hate-cases-to-tell-mama-since-oct-7th/.
[15] BIMA Comms (2024). BIMA Survey Reveals Impact of Summer Racist Riots on Muslim healthcare professionals in the UK. [online] British Islamic Medical Association. Available at: https://britishima.org/bima-survey-reveals-impact-of-summer-racist-riots-on-muslim-healthcare-professionals-in-the-uk/.
[16] Beydoun, K.A. and Sediqe, 2023. Unveiling: The law of gendered Islamophobia. California Law Review, 111, pp.465–510. Available at: HeinOnline
[17] Muslim Council of Britain, 2022. 2021 Census: As UK Population Grows, So Do British Muslim Communities. [online] Available at: https://mcb.org.uk/2021-census-as-uk-population-grows-so-do-british-muslim-communities/
[18] Britton J (2015) Muslims, racism and violence after the Paris attacks. Sociological Research Online 20(3): http://www.socresoline.org.uk/20/3/1.html
[19] Maslaha (2018) Evidence on Prison Population 2022: Planning for the Future (ppp0066). [online] UK Parliament. Available at: https://committees.parliament.uk/writtenevidence/96879/html/
[20] Qasim, M. (2021). Young, Muslim and Criminal: poverty, racism and inequality in Bradford | LSE Research. [online] www.lse.ac.uk. Available at: https://www.lse.ac.uk/research/research-for-the-world/race-equity/young-muslim-and-criminal-how-poverty-racism-and-inequality-have-impacted-the-pakistani-community-in-bradford
[21] Cockbain, E. and Tufail, W. (2020). Failing victims, fuelling hate: challenging the harms of the ‘Muslim grooming gangs’ narrative. Race & Class, 61(3), pp.3–32. doi:https://doi.org/10.1177/0306396819895727
[22] Ibid
[23] The Palgrave Handbook of Gendered Islamophobia. (2024). Springer eBooks. Springer Nature. doi:https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-52022-8.
[24] Saher Selod (2018): Gendered racialization: Muslim American men and women’s encounters with racialized surveillance, Ethnic and Racial Studies, https://doi.org/10.1080/01419870.2018.1445870
[25] Alimahomed-Wilson, S., 2020. The matrix of gendered Islamophobia: Muslim women’s repression and resistance. Gender & Society, 34(4), pp.648–678
[26] Julios-Costa, M. and Montiel-Mccann, C. (n.d.). A hostile environment: Language, race, politics and the media. [online] Available at: https://cdn.prod.website-files.com/61488f992b58e687f1108c7c/6798ec9f5e429b786277f9db_A%20hostile%20environment_report_v4.pdf.
[27] Hanif, F. (2019). State of Media Reporting on Islam & Muslims: Quarterly Report Oct–Dec 2018. [online] London: Muslim Council of Britain. Available at: https://mcb.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2022/11/CfMM-Quarterly-Report-Oct-Dec-2018.pdf
[28] www.runnymedetrust.org. (n.d.). The Runnymede Trust | Civil Society Report to United Nations CERD. [online] Available at: https://www.runnymedetrust.org/publications/civil-society-report-to-united-nations-cerd.
[29] Gohir, S. (2022). INVISIBLE Maternity Experiences of Muslim Women from Racialised Minority Communities. [online] Available at: https://www.mwnuk.co.uk//go_files/resources/maternity_report_120722.pdf.
[30] Allen, F. (2014). Islamophobia in the UK: The role of British newspapers in shaping attitudes towards Islam and Muslims. [online] Available at: https://repository.uwtsd.ac.uk/id/eprint/413/1/Fleur%20Allen%20new.pdf.
[31] The Fawcett Society. (n.d.). Broken Ladders: The Myth of Meritocracy for Women of Colour in the Workplace. [online] Available at: https://www.fawcettsociety.org.uk/broken-ladders.
[32] TELL MAMA. (2017-18). Resources to Counter Anti-Muslim Prejudice or Islamophobia. [online] Available at: https://tellmamauk.org/resources/.
[33] Abida, D., Dr, M. and Wykes, E. (n.d.). Socio-political, religious and policy considerations OCTOBER 2018. [online] Available at: https://www.azizfoundation.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2024/03/British-Muslims-in-UK-HE.pdf.
[34] Ganesh, B. and Abou-Atta, I. (2016). FORGOTTEN WOMEN: The impact of Islamophobia on Muslim women in the United Kingdom. [online] Available at: https://www.enar-eu.org/wp-content/uploads/forgotten_women_report_united_kingdom_-_final.pdf.
[35] 2024 Anti-Islamophobia Conference Summary Report. (2024). Available at: https://www.anothereurope.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/10/2024-Anti-Islamophobia-Conference-Report.pdf
[36] Preventwatch.org. (2024). We are in Geneva: Read our submission to the UN Commission to End Racial Discrimination – Prevent Watch. [online] Available at: https://www.preventwatch.org/geneva-submission-to-the-un-commission-to-end-racial-discrimination/
[37] The Fawcett Society. (n.d.). Broken Ladders: The Myth of Meritocracy for Women of Colour in the Workplace. [online] Available at: https://www.fawcettsociety.org.uk/broken-ladders.
[38] www.runnymedetrust.org. (n.d.). The Runnymede Trust | Civil Society Report to United Nations CERD. [online] Available at: https://www.runnymedetrust.org/publications/civil-society-report-to-united-nations-cerd.
[39] Julios-Costa, M. and Montiel-Mccann, C. (n.d.). A hostile environment: Language, race, politics and the media. [online] Available at:https://cdn.prod.website-files.com/61488f992b58e687f1108c7c/6798ec9f5e429b786277f9db_A%20hostile%20environment_report_v4.pdf.