WRITTEN EVIDENCE SUBMITTED BY ANONYMOUS

(TRUK0055)

A. Definition and understanding

1. Should the Government adopt a formal definition of transnational repression? What should be the key elements of a definition?

Yes, the government should adopt a formal definition. A key definition should include of how the Eritrean regimes action to suppress opposition using harassment, intimidation or violence against individuals or groups outside their borders. Elements should include the use of different tactics, interference in diaspora communities, and actions aimed at limiting freedom of expression, assembly, and association across borders.

2. How does transnational repression impact (a) those targeted and (b) their wider communities?

Transnational repression has a profound impact on those targeted. In my case, as a deacon and an activist, I faced the loss of community and support, being excluded from the church, and experiencing direct threats to my family’s safety and wellbeing. For the wider community, it leads to fear, division, and the erosion of trust, as those who oppose the government are pressured to stay silent or conform to avoid retaliation.

3. Which states are currently understood to be the biggest perpetrators of transnational repression in the UK? What are the main methods employed by such actors in the UK?

Most of the states are perpetrators of transnational repression in the UK but the main cities are London and Manchester. Methods include harassment, monitoring, and exerting pressure on diaspora communities through religious or community leaders, as I personally experienced. They also use propaganda to influence the views of individuals within the community, further isolating and silencing opposition.

B. Government response

4. What steps has the Government taken to address transnational repression in the UK?  What departments have been involved in these steps? How effective is coordination between departments?

The UK Government has taken steps to address transnational repression, including strengthening measures against foreign interference. Multiple departments, such as the Home Office and law enforcement agencies, are involved in these efforts. However, there is room for improvement in coordination, as responses to transnational repression remain fragmented and lack a unified strategy.

5. Several allied countries have taken action in relation to transnational repression in recent years. What could the UK Government learn from other countries’ legislative and policy responses to transnational repression?

The UK could benefit from the approaches of countries such as Canada, the United States, and Israel, which have implemented stricter controls and penalties regarding foreign interference and transnational repression. These nations have taken decisive actions to prohibit the activities of the Eritrean regime, ensuring that individuals who support the Eritrean government and its agenda are deported back to Eritrea. By following these examples and adopting more robust and clearly defined legal frameworks that specifically address the tactics employed by states to suppress opposition abroad, the UK would enhance its ability to protect vulnerable communities within its borders.

6. To what extent has entry into force of the National Security Act 2023, in particular the new offence of foreign interference and the Foreign Influence Registration scheme, helped to strengthen the UK’s ability to tackle transnational repression?

The National Security Act 2023 represents an important step forward. The foreign interference offense and Foreign Influence Registration scheme could help provide more oversight, but I’m still unsure how effectively these measures will be enforced, especially when it comes to diaspora communities like mine, who face direct repression from the Eritrean governments.

7. How effective is other UK domestic legislation in preventing instances of transnational repression? What gaps have been identified and how may they be addressed?

In terms of UK domestic legislation, I find it somewhat effective in preventing instances of transnational repression, but there are significant gaps, particularly when it comes to the protection of individuals within diaspora communities like mine. There needs to be better awareness among law enforcement and clearer legal protections for those of us facing repression. The government should also provide more resources for victims to report abuses and access support. Without this, many victims, including myself, remain vulnerable.

8. What international legal obligations does the UK have in relation to transnational repression? Are there further steps, including legislative, that the UK should take to give effect to those obligations?

The UK has international obligations under human rights act to prevent transnational repression. However, I believe there is room for improvement. The UK could further implement specific legislation or policies that focus on preventing harassment and persecution of individuals based on their political opinions or affiliations abroad. This would help protect those of us who are targeted for our beliefs, whether we're at home or abroad.

C. Law enforcement and support for victims

9. What issues have been encountered by law enforcement and the Intelligence Community in countering transnational repression within the UK?

Law enforcement in the UK faces challenges when it comes to identifying and investigating cases of transnational repression. This kind of persecution is often hidden, and there’s also a lack of understanding about the dynamics within diaspora communities, which leads to underreporting and ineffective responses. As someone who has experienced these challenges firsthand, I know just how difficult it is to get proper recognition and support.

10. How effective are the police at recognising and dealing with instances of transnational repression? Is a consistent approach offered by different police forces across the UK? 

The police are not always well-equipped to recognise instances of transnational repression. The subtle and covert nature of these tactics makes it hard for them to intervene effectively. Moreover, there is inconsistency across different police forces in their ability to address these cases, which often leads to confusion and neglect of victims' needs. In my case, I have felt this lack of consistency firsthand, especially when it comes to addressing the specific ways diaspora communities like mine are targeted.

11. How effective is the support and security assistance offered to (a) individuals and (b) communities that are the targets of transnational repression? What guidance is provided to victims and how is it tailored depending on the state perpetrating the attack?

Support and security assistance for individuals and communities facing transnational repression is limited. While there are some resources available, they are not tailored to the specific needs of victims, especially those of us who are targeted because of political beliefs or activism. Victims often face barriers to accessing help, particularly when the abusers are backed by powerful state agents. For example, the community support that I once had in the church was taken away because of these dynamics, leaving me and my family isolated. More tailored guidance and support systems need to be developed so that victims like me feel safe, supported, and able to seek help without fear.

D. International cooperation

12. Are multi-lateral police and judicial cooperation mechanisms, such as Interpol red notices, being misused by perpetrators of transnational repression? What steps can the Government take to prevent these mechanisms being misused against people in the UK?

I believe that multi-lateral police and judicial cooperation mechanisms, such as Interpol red notices, are often misused by the Eritrean regime to target opposition members. The UK Government should take steps to ensure these systems are not exploited to facilitate transnational repression. There should be a review process to verify the legitimacy of requests from such states, especially when they are attempting to target individuals like me.

13. How is the UK working with other democracies to tackle transnational repression? How can it do better?

Till this day I have not seen the UK working with other democracies to tackle transnational repression, but there’s room for improvement. The UK can strengthen cooperation on sharing intelligence and best practices to combat these tactics more effectively. A more proactive stance, applying diplomatic pressure on states that engage in transnational repression, would go a long way in reducing the harm done to individuals like myself and others in similar situations.

14. How is the UK’s response to transnational repression affected by its diplomatic relationships with perpetrator states and how does transnational repression factor into the UK’s diplomatic decision-making?

The UK’s response to transnational repression is sometimes influenced by its diplomatic relationships with certain states, which can make it hesitant to confront these issues too directly. I believe that transnational repression should be a critical factor in the UK's diplomatic decision-making. The UK needs to take a more principled approach, prioritising human rights and opposing foreign interference in the lives of those who are just trying to live freely without fear of retribution for their beliefs.

(Feb 2025)