WRITTEN EVIDENCE SUBMITTED BY ANONYMOUS

(TRUK0054)

A. Definition and understanding

  1. Should the Government adopt a formal definition of transnational repression? What should be the key elements of a definition?

Yes, the UK Government should adopt a formal definition of transnational repression because it is a targeted and systematic strategy used by the Eritrean regime states to silence those against them beyond their borders. A definition should include of how these individuals are experiencing harassment, intimidation, and threats. As well as that, the government should also include how these individuals are experiencing restriction of basic rights through diplomatic and legal means, such as passport revocations or visa denials.

 

  1. How does transnational repression impact (a) those targeted and (b) their wider communities?

For those targeted, transnational repression creates a life of fear and insecurity. Even after fleeing persecution in Eritrea, we are not safe. The Eritrean government continues to monitor, threaten, and silence us through its network of spies and supporters in the UK. We are afraid to speak openly, to engage in activism, or to criticise the regime, knowing that our families back home may suffer consequences. Some of us receive direct threats, are harassed at community events, or are falsely accused of crimes to discredit us. As well as that, the Eritrean embassy restricts access to passports, denies services, and compels Eritreans to pay the unlawful 2% diaspora tax, which directly finances the regime. Those who refuse to comply face repercussions, including the inability to renew official documents or travel. Additionally, pro-regime supporters have engaged in acts of physical aggression and intimidation against anti-government activists in the UK. Eritrean government-sponsored events are also utilised as platforms to spread propaganda and suppress anti-government individuals.

 

  1. Which states are currently understood to be the biggest perpetrators of transnational repression in the UK? What are the main methods employed by such actors in the UK?

I would say that, cities such as XXXXXX are considered key locations for transnational repression in the UK, as pro-government individuals actively gather information on critics and report back to the Eritrean government. As a result, those who oppose the regime receive warnings that their families in Eritrea will face repercussions should they continue speaking out. Some individuals are directly threatened at community events or through online platforms.

B. Government response

  1. What steps has the Government taken to address transnational repression in the UK?  What departments have been involved in these steps? How effective is coordination between departments?

So far, the UK has not done enough to recognise and combat Eritrean transnational repression. Some government departments, like the Home Office, have acknowledged threats against diaspora communities, but responses remain weak. Coordination between law enforcement and intelligence agencies must improve to protect victims and hold perpetrators accountable.

  1. Several allied countries have taken action in relation to transnational repression in recent years. What could the UK Government learn from other countries’ legislative and policy responses to transnational repression?

The UK can learn from countries like Canada., which has introduced stronger policies against foreign interference, including sanctions against individuals involved in transnational repression. Germany has also taken steps to investigate and restrict pro-regime activities within Eritrean communities. The UK should consider similar measures, including stricter regulations on foreign embassy activities and targeted sanctions against Eritrean officials responsible for repression.

  1. To what extent has entry into force of the National Security Act 2023, in particular the new offence of foreign interference and the Foreign Influence Registration scheme, helped to strengthen the UK’s ability to tackle transnational repression?

While the National Security Act 2023 introduces new tools, it is unclear how it is being applied to Eritrean transnational repression. The Foreign Influence Registration Scheme could help expose how the Eritrean government works within the UK, but enforcement will be key. The UK must ensure Eritrean embassy activities, including coercion and financial exploitation of the diaspora, are closely monitored.

  1. How effective is other UK domestic legislation in preventing instances of transnational repression? What gaps have been identified and how may they be addressed?

The UK domestic legislation is not effective in preventing instances of transnational repression due to the lack of protection for victims. Anti-government activists and refugees rarely receive security assistance when facing threats. To enhance the effectiveness of domestic legislation, the UK must take action, including enforcing a crackdown on the unlawful 2% diaspora tax, which is frequently collected through intimidation. Additionally, stricter oversight and potential closure of the Eritrean embassy should be considered, as it operates with minimal scrutiny, enabling the facilitation of repression.

  1. What international legal obligations does the UK have in relation to transnational repression? Are there further steps, including legislative, that the UK should take to give effect to those obligations?

The UK has obligations under the human rights law to protect refugees from threats and transnational repression. It should take further steps, such as working with the United Nations to document Eritrean repression and supporting efforts to hold the regime accountable at the international level.

C. Law enforcement and support for victims

  1. What issues have been encountered by law enforcement and the Intelligence Community in countering transnational repression within the UK?

Many Eritrean refugees who report threats to the police feel ignored. Law enforcement does not always understand transnational repression or recognise the signs of Eritrean government interference. The intelligence community needs better engagement with targeted communities to detect repression tactics.

 

  1. How effective are the police at recognising and dealing with instances of transnational repression? Is a consistent approach offered by different police forces across the UK? 

The police are not effective at recognising and dealing with instances of transnational repression. While some officers appear supportive and make efforts to escalate concerns to higher authorities, others dismiss victims' reports and, in some cases, resort to force to remove them from festivals organised by supporters of the Eritrean government. A more standardised and structured approach is necessary, including comprehensive training on transnational repression, to ensure that all victims receive appropriate protection and support.

  1. How effective is the support and security assistance offered to (a) individuals and (b) communities that are the targets of transnational repression? What guidance is provided to victims and how is it tailored depending on the state perpetrating the attack?

The support and security assistance offered is not effective because Individuals often feel unsupported. They rarely receive protection from threats, and reporting intimidation does not always lead to action. Communities lack safe spaces to discuss repression openly. The UK should provide funding for community-led initiatives that support Eritrean refugees facing intimidation.

D. International cooperation

  1. Are multi-lateral police and judicial cooperation mechanisms, such as Interpol red notices, being misused by perpetrators of transnational repression? What steps can the Government take to prevent these mechanisms being misused against people in the UK?

Yes, Eritrean regime misuses international mechanisms to target anti-government. There have been cases where these individuals are falsely accused of crimes to punish them or pressure them to stop activism. The UK should ensure that politically motivated cases are thoroughly examined before cooperation.

  1. How is the UK working with other democracies to tackle transnational repression? How can it do better?

I am unsure whether the UK actively collaborates with its allies on broader security threats. Even if such cooperation exists, it does not appear to prioritise the protection of justice-seeking communities. The UK should strengthen its partnerships with other democracies to expose and counter Eritrean government repression, including through intelligence-sharing and the implementation of targeted sanctions.

  1. How is the UK’s response to transnational repression affected by its diplomatic relationships with perpetrator states and how does transnational repression factor into the UK’s diplomatic decision-making?

The UK’s diplomatic stance towards Eritrea has been and is still weak, allowing the regime to continue transnational repression even outside of Eritrea. The UK must prioritise human rights over diplomatic convenience and hold the Eritrean government accountable for its actions.

(Feb 2025)