WRITTEN EVIDENCE SUBMITTED BY MR DAEBAS ALEM

(TRUK0052)

A. Definition and understanding

Should the Government adopt a formal definition of transnational repression? What should be the key elements of a definition?

The UK Government should formally adopt a clear and comprehensive definition of transnational repression, ensuring that the mechanisms through which it occurs, such as intimidation, harassment, and both direct and indirect threats to individuals, including threats to their families in their home countries are fully acknowledged. In addition to establishing this definition, the government should provide detailed guidelines on how such practices can be effectively prevented and addressed, outlining specific steps to reduce the risk and impact of transnational repression. This would enable a more targeted and proactive approach to combating these forms of abuse.

How does transnational repression impact (a) those targeted and (b) their wider communities?

As an individual who is targeted, we experience ongoing fear, psychological distress, and economic instability due to state-led threats. Eritrean anti-governments, especially as a former soldier who have escaped the regime, I live in constant fear of retribution. we are often threatened that, upon our death, our bodies will not be returned home for burial, depriving our families of closure. This form of punishment exploits deep cultural values surrounding death and burial, effectively weaponing grief against both the us and our loved ones. Our wider community also suffers from intimidation, suppression of free speech, and erosion of trust in diaspora organisations. The Eritrean government exploits cultural values, knowing that family members desire to give their loved ones a dignified burial, thus using this as a tool of control. Community events and protests against the Eritrean government are frequently disrupted by pro-regime infiltrators, creating an atmosphere of fear and self-censorship.

Which states are currently understood to be the biggest perpetrators of transnational repression in the UK? What are the main methods employed by such actors in the UK?

In my opinion, Manchester is understood to be the biggest perpetrators of transnational repression in the UK because in this state the supporters of the Eritrean government employ a variety of methods to target individuals and communities within the UK, including, intimidation, harassment, and threats of deportation. Eritrean authorities often target anti-government activists within diaspora communities, using both physical and digital means to monitor and harass individuals. Other methods include threatening family members back home and leveraging local pro-government actors to disrupt the activities of protesters. Such tactics aim to silence opposition and instil fear, making it difficult for victims to seek refuge or speak out freely.

B. Government response

What steps has the Government taken to address transnational repression in the UK? What departments have been involved in these steps? How effective is coordination between departments?

As a victim of transnational repression, I have not received any protection or assistance from the UK government. There is a critical need for improved coordination between government departments to provide targeted support to individuals who are affected by, and continue to experience, transnational repression even after fleeing their home countries. Many victims, myself included, often face challenges in identifying where to seek help, and those who are able to do so may encounter bureaucratic obstacles that leave them vulnerable to ongoing threats. It is essential that the UK government addresses these gaps to ensure the safety and well-being of those impacted by transnational repression.

Several allied countries have taken action in relation to transnational repression in recent years. What could the UK Government learn from other countries’ legislative and policy responses to transnational repression?

The UK Government could learn from other countries’ legislative and policy responses to transnational repression by following the actions they took. For instance, the United States has imposed targeted sanctions on individuals and entities involved in transnational repression, a strategy that the UK should consider replicating. Canada has expanded refugee protections for individuals facing state-led persecution abroad, and the UK should similarly enhance its protections for those at risk. Additionally, European nations have strengthened both digital and physical security measures for at-risk individuals, and the UK should follow suit by implementing similar protections. By adopting these approaches, the UK could more effectively address the challenges of transnational repression.

To what extent has entry into force of the National Security Act 2023, in particular the new offence of foreign interference and the Foreign Influence Registration scheme, helped to strengthen the UK’s ability to tackle transnational repression?

The National Security Act 2023 is a step in the right direction, but as an Eritrean anti-government critic, I believe its enforcement remains weak. Many supporters of the government and perpetrators operate within diaspora communities, which makes it difficult to effectively track their interference. Stronger measures are needed to improve the identification and monitoring of these individuals to ensure that the Act’s provisions are more effectively enforced.

How effective is other UK domestic legislation in preventing instances of transnational repression? What gaps have been identified and how may they be addressed?

The UK domestic legislation is not effective in preventing instances of transnational repression due to gaps in the protection of individuals from harassment by pro-government actors within diaspora communities. There is an urgent need for stronger enforcement measures to address the harassment and intimidation experienced by Eritrean anti-government individuals. Additionally, enhanced asylum protections for those facing transnational threats should be prioritized to ensure that vulnerable individuals are adequately safeguarded from such abuses.

What international legal obligations does the UK have in relation to transnational repression? Are there further steps, including legislative, that the UK should take to give effect to those obligations?

The UK has international legal obligations to address the issue of transnational repression. To fulfil these obligations, it is essential to strengthen asylum protections for victims, ensuring they are provided with the safety and support necessary to rebuild their lives. This should be complemented by enhanced diplomatic pressure on states that engage in repressive practices, holding them accountable for their actions. Furthermore, collaboration with international human rights organisations is critical to document and expose state abuses, raise global awareness, and advocate for the reforms required to protect individuals from such violations.

C. Law enforcement and support for victims

What issues have been encountered by law enforcement and the Intelligence Community in countering transnational repression within the UK?

Law enforcement and the Intelligence Community in the UK have encountered several challenges in countering transnational repression. One key issue is the difficulty in gathering evidence against covert government operatives, as the repressive tactics used often involve covert monitoring and intimidation, making it hard to trace or prove their involvement. Additionally, there is a lack of awareness and training among law enforcement officers regarding the specific tactics employed by repressive regimes, such as the Eritrean government's methods of targeting anti-government abroad. This knowledge gap hinders effective action and response. Furthermore, victims often fear that reporting threats will lead to further retaliation, creating a climate of silence and reluctance to come forward, which further complicates efforts to address transnational repression.

How effective are the police at recognising and dealing with instances of transnational repression? Is a consistent approach offered by different police forces across the UK?

The police are currently ineffective in recognising and addressing instances of transnational repression. As a victim, I would assert that there is a noticeable indifference or lack of awareness within law enforcement regarding this issue. To improve response capabilities, specialised training for officers is necessary to enhance their ability to identify and effectively address cases of transnational repression.

How effective is the support and security assistance offered to (a) individuals and (b) communities that are the targets of transnational repression? What guidance is provided to victims and how is it tailored depending on the state perpetrating the attack?

The support and security assistance provided is not effective, as individuals like myself, who are targeted by transnational repression, often lack access to tailored protection mechanisms. The fear of deportation or retaliation against family members discourages many of us from seeking help, leaving us vulnerable to continued persecution. This lack of appropriate support worsens the challenges we face in trying to find safety from transnational repressive forces. Additionally, communities are frequently subjected to infiltration and disruption by pro-government actors, which complicates efforts to establish secure spaces for victims. The presence of such agents undermines attempts to create safe environments, preventing communities from offering the necessary support and protection to individuals like me in need.

D. International cooperation

Are multi-lateral police and judicial cooperation mechanisms, such as Interpol red notices, being misused by perpetrators of transnational repression? What steps can the Government take to prevent these mechanisms being misused against people in the UK?

Eritrean authorities are known to use Interpol to target anti-government. In order to prevent such misuse, the UK government should take several steps. These include implementing stricter processes for red notices to ensure that they are not used for politically motivated purposes and providing legal avenues for individuals to challenge notices that may have been issued with political intent. By taking these measures, the UK can better protect individuals from the misuse of international cooperation mechanisms and ensure that these tools are not exploited for repressive purposes.

How is the UK working with other democracies to tackle transnational repression? How can it do better?

To tackle transnational repression, the UK should increase intelligence-sharing with allied nations regarding the tactics used by repressive states. This would enable a more coordinated response to the threats posed by dictators and the Eritrean regime. Additionally, stronger international partnerships should be formed to counteract the harassment of justice seekers, ensuring that a unified and collective stance is taken against these abuses. By fostering greater collaboration and information exchange, the UK can play a more proactive role in addressing the challenges of transnational repression alongside its democratic allies.

How is the UK’s response to transnational repression affected by its diplomatic relationships with perpetrator states and how does transnational repression factor into the UK’s diplomatic decision-making?

The UK’s economic and diplomatic interests hinder the implementation of robust actions against the regime of Eritrea. Human rights concerns, including those related to transnational repression, can be overshadowed or sidelined in favour of maintaining strategic relationships. However, it is important that the UK places a greater emphasis on human rights within its diplomatic engagements, ensuring that these concerns are not treated as secondary to economic or political priorities.

(Feb 2025)