Written evidence from Together [CCI0067]

 

 

  1. Introduction

 

Britain faces an urgent challenge: how do we strengthen community cohesion and connectedness at a time of rapid social and technological change, polarised political narratives, and declining trust in institutions?

 

Much of the foundation of modern Britain was laid in the immediate post-war years, particularly the 1940s and 1950s, when the NHS and the modern welfare state were established and significant migration reshaped our national identity.

 

Eighty years on, we stand at another important juncture. Our multi-ethnic, multi-faith democracy remains one of the most tolerant and diverse places in the world — but episodes of hate-driven violence, and high-profile community tensions, including riots last summer, have highlighted the importance of strengthening community connection and cohesion.

 

We are seeing a complex interplay between a range of factors, including economic and social pressures, extremist narratives, racism and prejudice, a lack of trust in public institutions, and declining community infrastructure. At the same time, national moments of connection — from the Big Help Out, to the NHS’s 75th Anniversary, have shown that when given the chance, communities can come together — fostering the values of belonging and unity. The commemoration of VE Day in 2025 represents another major opportunity to create a springboard for wider social connection.

 

We are glad to have the opportunity to present this submission to the Women and Equalities

Select Committee's Inquiry on Cohesion, which comes at a critical time.

 

In compiling it, we have drawn from our work at Together and our partnerships across a broad coalition of civic organisations. It incorporates key insights from After the Riots[1] (co-authored by British Future, Belong, and Together), but also reflects a wider perspective on how best to strengthen and sustain social cohesion.

 

As the Committee undertakes its inquiry, we welcome its focus on establishing a deeper understanding of the primary barriers and threats to community cohesion, and examples of best practice which have positively impacted community cohesion. We believe it should also consider the following core questions:

 

○        What are the structural, ideological, and relational factors that shape community connectedness, cohesion, and resilience? How do community connectedness and cohesion relate to one another?

○        What is the role of different parts of society in enhancing community connectedness and cohesion - including different parts of central, devolved and local government, civil society, and other institutions such as the NHS, emergency services, and education settings.

○        How can we go beyond policy interventions alone and embed a longer term national narrative that drives community connectedness, cohesion, and resilience.

 

About this submission

Together is a coalition made up of hundreds of organisations across civil society, with the aim of building kinder, closer and more connected communities. We have prepared this submission for the Women and Equalities Select Committee to help inform the debate about community and cohesion — drawing on insights from our work, as well as wider evidence. The views and recommendations set out in this response do not necessarily represent those of the coalition as a whole.

 

  1. The State of Community Cohesion in the UK

 

When the Together Coalition was launched  in 2020, Britain was facing profound challenges. Communities across the country were facing enormous pressures — first the division and polarisation that arose from years of debate about Brexit, then the loss of life and enormous hardship created by the Covid-19 pandemic.

 

In 2021, we undertook our ambitious Talk Together project — culminating in a report which drew on engagement from nearly 160,000 people to uncover what divides and unites our communities, and how to bring society together in difficult times[2]. We found stories of connection across divides — facilitated by acts of local volunteering, mutual support within communities during the Covid-19 pandemic, unifying national moments like the birthday of the NHS or ‘Clap for Carers’. But we also found widening geographic divides, divisions across the UK’s four nations, declining political trust, and challenges around race, faith and identity.

 

Since then, the cost of living crisis and economic uncertainty have only added to the feeling of exhaustion we all share from living through such extraordinary times – and events like the Israel/Palestine conflict, and the summer riots in 2024 have reopened deep fractures in our communities. Underlying drivers of cohesion challenges — including economic inequality, mis/disinformation, distrust in democracy and institutions, and tensions relating to immigration and demographic change — have coupled with ideologies including anti-Muslim hate, antisemitism, far-right extremism, and extreme misogyny, to create a perfect storm.

 

Hope Not Hate’s ‘Fear and Hope’ report — published last year, found that attitudes towards migration have changed considerably in 2024, with a 10% increase in the number of people who felt immigration had been bad for the country[3]. According to Hope Not Hate’s ‘State of Hate 2024’ report, there has been an 18-fold increase in the number of anti-migrant demonstrations in Britain since 2022, and a record number of far-right activists and sympathisers were convicted of terror related offences in 2023[4].

 

Data from the Community Security Trust (CST), which monitors antisemitism, found a record increase in antisemitic incidents in 2024, with over 5,500 reports from October 2023 to September 2024 — up from 1,830 incidents during the same period in the previous year[5]. This included 121 incidents of assault in the first six months of 2024 — the most ever recorded in the January to June period[6].

 

Meanwhile, anti-Muslim hate has also risen considerably, with TellMAMA — which monitors anti-Muslim hate — reporting ​​4,971 anti-Muslim incidents between October 2023, and September 2024, the highest number of reports for this period in over a decade, and three times the number of reports in the UK the previous year[7].

 

The acts of violence and disorder in over 35 locations around the UK last summer — including the targeting of Muslims, asylum seekers and visible minorities — following the horrific killing of three young girls in Southport — was one of the worst outbreaks of racist violence in the UK for decades. This violence included both the destruction of property and cases of attempted murder and arson, with an estimated 5,000 people having actively participated.

 

Whilst the vast majority of British people opposed the violence and disorder, polling by More in Common found that 14% of people felt that those participating in the riots spoke for them, and roughly 20% of people expressed sympathy with those rioting[8].

 

  1. Structural Drivers of Cohesion Challenges

 

Social cohesion is particularly fragile in areas grappling with prolonged economic decline, high unemployment, and underinvestment in civic infrastructure[9][10]. In these communities, residents can feel overlooked by policymakers, and this sense of marginalisation often translates into resentment that some groups—be they migrants, asylum seekers, or religious minorities—are perceived as receiving "preferential treatment".[11] Indeed, a 2024 report by Power to Change found that 23 out of 27 UK towns that experienced significant rioting last summer scored well below the median in terms of social fabric with many experiencing severe economic deprivation and community disintegration[12]. More broadly, increasing wealth inequality in Britain is also driving cohesion challenges — with wealth stratification undermining productivity and growth, leading to regional and local economic disparities — as well as undermining perceptions of fairness and faith in democracy.[13]

 

Another major challenge is an increase in political apathy — and a decline in democratic participation. Dame Sara Khan's 2024 Review of Threats to Social Cohesion and Democratic Resilience found that disillusionment with democracy and distrust of institutions are being exploited by extremists to deepen societal divisions. She highlighted that these chronic, insidious threats often go unmeasured and unaddressed, potentially undermining the nation's social fabric.[14] Whilst voter turnout in the 2024 General Election decreased by about seven percentage points nationally compared to 2019, communities which were most affected by riots last summer saw a more pronounced decline in turnout — averaging a nine-point drop[15].

 

Over recent decades, migration has reshaped parts of the UK. While many people still identify significant benefits of migration, public views are mixed — with a visible lack of control over asylum in the Channel, and a heightened political debate about failed efforts to 'stop the boats, hardening and polarising attitudes over the last two years[16]. The handling of asylum accommodation and dispersal — including evident communication challenges between the Home Office and local authorities[17][18], with no preparation and little attention to cohesion risks — has been a simmering issue[19]. Furthermore, asylum accommodation has been more concentrated in towns and cities in the Midlands and northern England, and in London compared to other parts of the country. In June 2024, some 134 of the UK's 382 local authorities were housing fewer than 20 asylum-seekers, while 27 local authorities were housing more than 1,000 asylum-seekers in initial and dispersal accommodation and in 'contingency' hotels[20].

 

Turning to the role of online spaces, we have seen how quickly networked groups driven by extremist ideology can mobilise using these social media platforms, and we have also seen how quickly misinformation and disinformation can spread online, further escalating cohesion crises.

 

Research by the Institute for Strategic Dialogue (ISD) showed that hate speech and extremist narratives spread rapidly on platforms such as Facebook, X (formerly Twitter), and Telegram, often outpacing fact-checking efforts[21]. The 2024 riots demonstrated how fabricated claims—such as false allegations about the suspects' backgrounds—can generate real-world violence within hours[22].

 

Algorithmic amplification also contributed to escalation[23]. Studies indicate that content promoting outrage and division is more likely to be surfaced to users, meaning that those already inclined towards mistrust of minority groups were more likely to be exposed to inflammatory content. The lack of effective content moderation allowed misinformation to go viral unchecked, making de-escalation efforts much harder[24].

 

  1. What works

There is no single silver-bullet for addressing the challenges we have set out above. Enhancing community cohesion, connection and resilience will ultimately require a sustained response from across government, local authorities, and devolved governments — as well as from civil society, faith, and business.

 

Policy responses

At a policy level, the Government must critically address the underlying drivers set out above — driving inclusive economic growth through its Growth Mission, alleviating inequality and poverty through its Opportunities Mission, and putting in place a long-term, cross-departmental national social cohesion strategy We set out a series of detailed policy priorities ahead of the 2024 General Election, calling on party leaders to commit to the following measures which would underpin more connected UK communities:

 

●        Commission a new national annual survey to monitor connections — with both local and national governments required to report on connectedness on both a ward and thematic basis;

●        Adopt, resource and promote a welcoming framework to support new arrivals to the UK, and build stronger communities;

●        Support free education in digital skills, English language, and workplace literacy, ensuring that by 2030, every adult in the UK has the skills needed to connect with others in their communities; and

●        Ensure every community has reasonable access (within a 10-minute walk) of a local space which is freely available to support organised community activities, as well as ensuring that communal spaces in communities are designed to encourage spontaneous interactions wherever possible.

 

We believe these recommendations remain highly relevant — and the Government should seek to implement them as a priority.

 

As we have argued, we believe it is important to see community connection and cohesion as two interrelated aspects of community life — with complex intersections. The proposals set out above — whilst focused on driving opportunities for social connection, should also be considered vital for strengthening community cohesion.

 

We have also consistently raised a number of proposals which would directly address some of the challenges to community cohesion we are seeing across the country. These include the following:

 

●        The Government must put in place a long-term, cross-departmental national social cohesion strategy;

●        Councils and combined authorities should be charged with the responsibility to deliver local cohesion strategies with support and some additional resources to do so;

●        Social media companies need to be held to account and required to do more to control the spread of mis/disinformation and hate speech; and

●        Review existing infrastructure aimed at identifying, tracking and countering various forms of prejudice — including anti-Muslim hate, antisemitism, anti-Black racism, far right ideology, and extreme misogyny — and assess its adequacy.

 

As we set out in After the Riots, the absence of a national cohesion strategy has meant there has been little clarity about what is meant by cohesion and connection, or how the Government seeks to promote it. This strategy should be underpinned by clarity about the key indicators for connection and cohesion – and a commitment to developing a more robust and sustained evidence base and national monitoring framework to assess progress and better identify risks more proactively. It should also seek to break down silos within government — addressing the fact that whilst the work of many government departments has a direct impact on social cohesion, cross-departmental working has been sporadic. As part of this, councils and combined authorities should be charged with the responsibility to deliver local cohesion strategies with support and some additional resources to do so.

 

Finally, we believe that  tackling the underlying drivers of cohesion alone is only part of the solution. The harmful ideologies — which coupled with these drivers lead to a degradation of community cohesion, must also be confronted. This must include a step-change in our approach to tackling racism and prejudice on the basis of ethnicity, faith, and gender in particular. Beyond a handful of non-profits established to monitor various forms of prejudice and extreme right wing ideologies — including anti-Muslim hate, antisemitism, and the far-right — there is hardly any coordination by Government to collate comprehensive data (with the exception of police crime figures), and no coordination — comprehensive or otherwise — to collate best practice and resource strategies with proven impact on reducing prejudice.

 

The role of social connection

 

Our work at Together has shown that efforts to enhance social connection — particularly where they focus on social bridging across groups, rather than solely on social bonding within groups — has a significantly positive effect on strengthening social cohesion.

 

The level of connectedness in communities impacts everything, from confidence in democracy and support to our local and national institutions, to our willingness to work together as a community. It can even determine how quickly we get better from illnesses, face economic constraints, and whether we feel like we belong and have pride in the places we live.

 

May 8th 2023 saw the biggest mobilisation of volunteers since the London 2012 Olympic games for ‘The Big Help Out’ – a large-scale campaign that brought together the UK’s most influential volunteering organisations to encourage people to try something new.

 

Hundreds of organisations of every size and purpose came together to provide ‘taster’ sessions for new volunteers across the country to try their hand at volunteering, and, in the process, help

their community. The Big Help Out was endorsed and supported by the Royal Households as a formal part of the Coronation of King Charles III.

 

The result was the UK’s biggest ever ‘Festival of Volunteering, with 7.2 million people taking part in volunteering activities, becoming one of the UK’s biggest ever mass participation activities. A further 6.5 million people took part in the Big Help Out the following year. 

 

Likewise, Thank You Day, one of our flagship campaigns focussed on the power of gratitude as a driving force in social connection. During the four years we ran this campaign, we saw millions of people get involved — organising local events, and connecting with others in their local communities.

 

Amongst those who have participated in our mass participation campaigns aimed at driving social connection, around 70% say they are more likely to speak to their neighbours as a result of their participation, 70% feel less lonely, around 65% say their local area felt more united as a result, and around 50% say they are more likely to host their own community events.

 

This is the tip of the iceberg. Hundreds of organisations across the UK — actively involved in efforts to support social connection, whether they’re working on major national moments of connection, or local grassroots connection — are playing a vital role in supporting community cohesion.

 

As we have shown above, national moments and events have a significant potential to drive community connection and cohesion, and in 2025, Together is pleased to be leading a major series of mass mobilisation activities as part of VE Day. The Government should consider how it can continue to ensure such moments — from major anniversaries, to sporting events — act as springboards for community connection and cohesion.

 

Finally, as highlighted above, we believe that the Committee should consider the relationality between connection and cohesion as its leads its inquiry into cohesion —  particularing seeking to understand how social connection can act as a mediating force between potential drivers of cohesion challenges, and ideologies that may be harmful to community cohesion. For example, seeking to understand why areas with high levels of deprivation are not universally susceptible to harmful ideologies — and the extent to higher levels of social connection in these areas is contributing to this.

 

Narrative

 

Policy-led responses are a necessary but insufficient part of the solution to the challenges we have outlined. As highlighted in our introduction, Britain — 80 years on from its last major moment of profound national articulation amidst significant social change — now finds itself in a similarly profound moment. Our communities, and our country, are changing. Advancing technologies, changing demographics — including an ageing population and continued immigration — and much more, are all contributing to this change. Navigating this change calls for the articulation of a collective vision for how we live well together. Such a vision should act both as a springboard for policy development, as well as a driver of attitudinal and behavioural change that contributes to a strengthening of our communities.

 

In line with this, the Together Coalition has convened a new Independent Commission on Community and Cohesion — set to get underway this spring. This commission will commence with a review of evidence on community connectedness, cohesion and resilience — drawing on existing evidence, and facilitating focus groups and roundtables across the country — before launching a major public engagement exercise in the summer. We would be keen to engage closely with the committee as we undertake this work, and we would welcome the committee’s engagement during its inquiry on cohesion on questions around alternative means of strengthening cohesion beyond policy focused interventions, such as the role of narrative and identity.

 

  1. Conclusion

We welcome the Committee’s inquiry, which is critically important and timely. We would be pleased to support the committee as it continues its work, and stand ready and willing to provide further inputs upon request.

About the Together Coalition

 

/together is one of the biggest and most diverse coalitions ever assembled in the UK, dedicated to bridging divides in our country, and building communities that are kinder, closer and more connected.

Our coalition is made up of hundreds of organisations across civil society and business, with a high-level steering group including representation from organisations as diverse as the NHS and the armed services, BBC to TikTok, Scouting to the Girl Guides, the Football Association to the CBI as well as many grassroots organisations.

We mobilise this coalition to take joint action towards strengthening communities, including creating and leading mass participation campaigns to create opportunities for social connection, including The Big Help Out and Thank You Day, and seeking to counter risks to cohesion. In 2024, we launched the Cohesion Risk Forum — which we continue to convene, bringing together stakeholders across government, business and civil society to identify and track ongoing risks to UK social cohesion.

January 2025


[1] Rutter, J., Katwala, S., Dixon, A., Scudamore, J., Forbes E., and Cox, B. (2024) ‘After the riots: Building the foundations for social cohesion’. British Future, Belong, and Together. https://www.britishfuture.org/publication/after-the-riots

[2] Rutter, J., Puddle, J., Ballinger, S., Katwala, S., (2021) ‘Talk/Together: Our Chance to Reconnect’. https://together.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Our-Chance-to-Reconnect-1.pdf

[3] Malik, M., and Deo, A. (2024) ‘Fear and Hope 2024: The Case for Community Resilience’, Hope Not Hate. https://hopenothate.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2024/10/FINAL-FEAR-AND-HOPE-291024.pdf

[4] Lowles, N. et al (2024) ‘State of Hate 2024: Pessimism, Decline, and the Rising Radical Right’. Hope Not Hate. https://hopenothate.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2024/03/state-of-hate-2024-v15.pdf

[5] The Guardian (2024) ‘British Jews adjusting to ‘new reality’ after year-long surge in antisemitism’. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2024/oct/02/british-jews-experience-more-antisemitism-as-middle-east-war-escalates

[6] Community Security Trust (2024) ‘Antisemitism Incidents Report: January to June 2024’. https://cst.org.uk/data/file/e/d/Antisemitic%20Incidents%20Report%20Jan-June%202024.1722863477.pdf

[7] TellMAMA (2024) ‘Tell MAMA recorded almost 5,000 anti-Muslim cases a year on from 7 October’. https://tellmamauk.org/tell-mama-recorded-almost-5000-anti-muslim-cases-a-year-on-from-7-october/

[8] More in Common (2024) ‘What do Britons really think about the riots’. https://www.moreincommon.org.uk/our-work/research/what-do-britons-really-think-about-the-riots/

[9] Kelsey, T., Kenny, M., (2020) ‘ Townscapes: The Value of Social Infrastructure’. https://www.bennettinstitute.cam.ac.uk/wp-content/uploads/2020/12/Townscapes_The_value_of_infrastructure.pdf

[10] Chan, T. W., & Kawalerowicz, J. (2024). Social diversity and social cohesion in Britain. The British Journal of Sociology, 75(4), 452–470. https://doi.org/10.1111/1468-4446.13094

[11] Garner, S., Cowles, J,. Lung, B., and Stott, M. (2007) ‘Sources of resentment, and perceptions of ethnic minorities among poor white people in England’. National Community Forum. https://migrant-integration.ec.europa.eu/sites/default/files/2010-12/docl_17497_510393615.pdf

[12] Westerling, J., Plumb, N., and McNabola, A. (2024) ‘Fixing the foundations A communities strategy for Britain’. Power to Change. https://www.powertochange.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2024/11/Fixing-the-foundations-A-communities-strategy-for-Britain_V2.pdf 

[13] Snell, W., and Jeffrey, J. (2024) ‘Wealth Gap Risk Register’ The Fairness Foundation. https://fairnessfoundation.com/risks

[14] Khan, S. (2024) ‘The Khan Review of Threats to Social Cohesion and Democratic Resilience’. https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/the-khan-review-threats-to-social-cohesion-and-democratic-resilience

[15] Walker, B. (2024) ‘How did rioting constituencies vote’. New Statesman. https://www.newstatesman.com/politics/polling/2024/08/how-did-rioting-constituencies-vote

[16] Katwala S, Ballinger S and Rolfe, H (2024) Immigration and the Election, London: British

Future. https://www.britishfuture.org/publication/immigration-and-the-election-time-to-choose/

[17] National Audit Office (2024) ‘Investigation into asylum accommodation’ https://www.nao.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2024/03/investigation-into-asylum-accommodation.pdf

[18] Local Government Chronicle (2022) ‘Home Office Slammed Over Asylum System That ‘Just Doesn’t Work’’. https://www.lgcplus.com/services/housing/home-office-slammed-over-asylum-system-that-just-doesnt-work-22-11-2022/

[19] Rutter, J., Katwala, S., Dixon, A., Scudamore, J., Forbes E., and Cox, B. (2024) ‘After the riots: Building the foundations for social cohesion’. British Future, Belong, and Together. https://www.britishfuture.org/publication/after-the-riots

[20] Home Office (2024). Regional and local authority data on immigration groups. https://assets.publishing.service.gov.uk/media/66bf74a8dcb0757928e5bd4c/regional-and-local-authority-dataset-jun-24.ods

[21] Institute for Strategic Dialogue (2025). ‘ISD Written Evidence to the Science, Innovation and Technology Committee Inquiry on Social Media, Misinformation and Harmful Algorithms’. https://www.isdglobal.org/isd-publications/isd-written-evidence-to-the-science-innovation-and-technology-committee-inquiry-on-social-media-misinformation-and-harmful-algorithms/

[22]Babbs, D., (2024). ‘"Rocket boosters" for extremists - how social media fuelled recent far-right disorder in the UK, and some suggestions for how to prevent this in the future. https://www.cleanuptheinternet.org.uk/post/rocket-boosters-for-extremists-how-social-media-fuelled-uk-riots

[23] Ibid

[24] Ibid