Written evidence from Antisemitism Policy Trust [CCI0012]

Summary:

The Antisemitism Policy Trust highlights the significant challenges antisemitism poses to community cohesion in the UK, impacting mental health, public safety, and social cohesion. In the submission, we identify the main threats to social cohesion that are related to antisemitism, including antisemitism within political discourse, activism surrounding the Israel-Hamas war, and antisemitism in educational and other settings. As a result of the rise in incidents of hate crime and discrimination, many British Jews often feel unsafe expressing their religious identity, particularly in the midst of geopolitical tensions. In practice, this has meant impacts on synagogue attendance, trust in public institutions, and participation in civic life. The Trust underscores the importance of robust enforcement against hate speech, hate crimes, and public order offences, promoting cohesion through interfaith initiatives and other forms of community engagement, and addressing online disinformation, which amplify antisemitic narratives. Schools are key to promoting cohesion through education, and programs that challenge prejudice and foster understanding.

The Impact of Antisemitism

The Antisemitism Policy Trust is a charity that works to educate and empower parliamentarians and policy makers to address antisemitism. For more than two decades, we have provided the secretariat to the All-Party Parliamentary Group (APPG) against Antisemitism, and provide the secretariat to Lord Mann, the Government’s Independent Adviser on Antisemitism. We have published research about the nature and impact of online antisemitism and have advised Government, and Parliament on the link between antisemitism and social cohesion in the UK.

We welcome the committee’s inquiry. Antisemitic discourse and community cohesion are closely correlated, with one influencing the other. Antisemitic discourse can lead to increased levels of hate crime, discrimination, and prejudice. It can also have a negative impact on access to public services or communities and communal spaces and on people’s mental health and emotional wellbeing. When a group is targeted by hatred, it undermines social cohesion and makes it more difficult for us to live together peacefully. In turn, fragmented communities and poor social cohesion can lead to an increase in racist speech and behaviour, further exacerbating existing problems.

An independent review by Dame Sara Khan on Social Cohesion and Democratic Resilience, published in March 2024, highlighted the importance of social cohesion and the challenges faced by various communities, the Jewish community being one of them. Khan mentions in her report that: ‘Hate crime figures ending in March 2022 found that despite making up less than one percent of the total religious population, antisemitic hate crimes accounted for 23% of all religious hate crimes in the UK.’[1] Unfortunately, antisemitic hate crime has increased sharply in the UK since the start of the most recent war between Israel and Hamas.[2] In 2024, The Community Security Trust (CST) recorded the highest number of antisemitic incidents since it began collecting such data, with Jews subjected to antisemitism in public spaces, educational settings, workplaces and more. This has had a profound effect on individual wellbeing, on the Jewish community’s feeling of safety and on social divisions.

Anecdotally, antisemitism is believed to have an impact on individuals’ mental health.[3][4][5] It has been found that people who were targeted by antisemitic abuse have suffered long term, enduring consequences that mirror emotional responses to other traumatic experiences, including anxiety, aggression and low self-esteem.[6]

Comprehensive studies on the direct impact of antisemitism on mental health and social integration are relatively scarce. However, research is being conducted in the aftermath of the October 7 attacks on Southern Israel.[7][8] The severity and brutality of these attacks has not only affected the mental health of those who experienced them firsthand but has also resulted in a collective trauma impacting many Jews worldwide.[9][10] This has been exacerbated by high levels of antisemitism, vocal denials and minimisation of the October 7 events, and victim-blaming. Numerous examples of this can be found in the UK among individuals with public platforms. This narrative and discourse has intensified feelings of anxiety, isolation, fear, Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder, and other symptoms associated with trauma and race-based persecution and hostility. Jewish individuals have reported being shunned or isolated in public spaces, the NHS[11], cultural institutions[12], publishing[13], educational settings, and workplaces. Research by the TV and film charity and others supports these experiences.[14]

Jewish women face instances of gendered or sexist antisemitism, meaning antisemitic abuse that is sexualised or is misogynist, targeting both the individuals sex or gender and race, and sometimes both at the same time. This means that beyond suffering abuse that is based on antisemitic stereotypes, Jewish women suffer from abuse that is sometimes based on stereotypes that combine sexism and antisemitism. A briefing we published on anti-Jewish misogyny references a study by the American NGO Media Matters, which found a staggering 180% increase in posts containing both antisemitism and misogyny on the far-right anonymous message board 4chan between 2015 and 2017.[15] A more recent study we produced with Hope Not Hate found that on Telegram, antisemitism and misogyny could provide an ‘on-ramp’ for the other forms of discrimination.[16] A study of Jewish women in Canada compared the effects of antisemitism and sexism on the prevalence of depression in women. It found that antisemitic abuse had a considerably greater correlation with depression than encountering sexism.[17]

The effect of this pernicious hatred on individual’s feelings of personal safety in public safes, can affect their willingness to participate in the democratic process. For example, female parliamentarians from minority groups, face more online abuse than their male counterparts and may as a result choose to avoid or step down from public office. We have published on the specific hatred for Jewish women MPs in the past. Our report includes details about how both former MPs and now peers, Baroness Berger and Baroness Hodge have received repeat abuse online.[18] So too have other Jewish parliamentarians including Charlotte Nichols MP and Baroness Anderson.

The effect of racism on mental health is not confined to antisemitism. A 2009 study found a link between repeated racial discrimination, and chronic stress and worsened health outcomes.[19] The effect of this is so deep, that it can have an intergenerational impact, because children internalise their parent’s stress, leading to similar psychological problems.[20] The impact on social cohesion, and exposure to other people is obvious. If you are traumatised by racism, you are unlikely to be proactively engaging with local communities. Research that we supported as part of the work of the APPG Against Antisemitism indicated that in some cases, the further integrated into society individuals become, the more aware they are of their own differences to other members of that society.[21] In other words, joining in can make you feel different. In a scenario where one does not even feel welcome to start, the prospects of good social cohesion are limited.

When racism is experienced by a large number of people in a minority group, this turns from an individual issue to a societal one that has direct implications on community cohesion. Individuals suffering from poor mental health due to discrimination, have lower participation rates in civic, social, and community life.[22] This weakens the bonds that hold communities together. It can erode the trust of a minority group in the majority group and in public institutions.

Victims of racial abuse and discrimination are more likely to withdraw from broader society and segregate themselves within their community, where they feel safe. The ensuing lack of interaction between members of a minority group and others within broader society can then lead to further polarisation.[23][24] The CST and other Jewish organisations have found, to take just one example, that anxiety emanating from fear of being targeted, has led some Jewish people to display fewer Jewish symbols in public.[25] This could well impact diversity and inclusivity in our communities.

What are the primary barriers and threats to community cohesion?

Members of the Jewish community, irrespective of gender or age, are vulnerable to antisemitic hate crimes and discrimination. One significant driver of antisemitism in the UK is the normalisation of antisemitic discourse within political parties, both domestically and internationally (e.g. Hungary[26]). This normalisation emboldens fringe groups and individuals to publicly express similar sentiments, thereby eroding the social fabric and mutual respect essential for a cohesive society. Such divisive rhetoric, often fuelled by prejudice and intolerance, poses a substantial threat to communities and undermines the resilience and strength of our democracy, and democratic values.

In recent years, there has been increasing concern about the impact of antisemitic discourse on social cohesion in the UK. We have repeatedly rung the alarm about the link between antisemitic discourse and social cohesion.[27][28][29]  Our primary focus is on how political discourse, in particular, can shape behaviour and attitudes in a way that contributes to increased levels of antisemitic incidents and to a breakdown in public cohesion and trust. This is an issue which has been giving rise to concern across the globe, including – for example – at UN and OSCE level.[30]

There are multiple examples of the language being used in political spaces being connected to wider antisemitic discourse – and in some cases the motivations and activity of those involved.[31]

In recent years, we have highlighted specific concerns about leading politicians using conspiratorial language that draws from or leans into antisemitic tropes, such as a ‘globalist’[32] or ‘powerful elite,’ in relation to descriptions of George Soros, or in relation to the term cultural Marxism.[33][34] As our CEO has said, “Such words, phrases and themes regardless of intent, can and do feed a conspiracy culture, particularly online, the beating heart of which is and has long been antisemitism.”[35]

When political leaders fail to address or, worse, perpetuate such rhetoric, it legitimises prejudice, leading to increased discrimination and societal fragmentation. Such failings were found, for example, in the Equality and Human Rights Commission (EHRC)’s investigation into antisemitism in the Labour Party under the leadership of Jeremy Corbyn. The EHRC identified serious failings amongst the party's leadership in addressing the issue and the evidence submitted to the Commission highlighted the impact of antisemitism having been allowed to spread, including bullying and isolation of Jewish members.

The report highlighted an inadequate process for handling antisemitism complaints, which not only violated equality law but also contributed to a hostile environment for Jewish members and supporters, impacting social cohesion.[36] The CST incidents for the period during which these issues occurred, shows a direct link between particular events (for example, the day the Jewish communal leadership met with Jeremy Corbyn, or the day a number of MPs left the Labour party) with a rise in reported incidents. Anecdotally, we are seeing Jewish individuals, particularly within the NHS, speaking out about similar feelings and incidents within that institution in the midst of the current Middle East crisis. Connected concerns have been raised about discourse related to Muslim communities, or to immigrants.[37]

We have seen in the past how the normalisation of antisemitic discourse within political parties (both in the UK and overseas) emboldened fringe groups and individuals to express similar sentiments publicly, thereby eroding the social fabric and mutual respect essential for a cohesive society. This kind of divisive rhetoric, often fuelled by prejudice and intolerance, poses a significant threat to communities and the overall resilience and strength of democratic values.
 

One recent example of a challenge to social cohesion is the regular protests that have been taking place about the situation in the Middle East. The right to protest is an inalienable right, and an important part of our liberal democracy. The Trust has never suggested that people should be prohibited from supporting Palestinians or opposing Israeli actions. However, for too long, these mass protests have been allowed to happen in the vicinity of synagogues on Saturdays, at a time where Jews come to pray or engage in community events on the Sabbath. There are seven well-tested march routes through London, five do not pass by synagogues. There are six other days of the week on which people can also protest without the impact on Jewish communities in London – that is without taking into account other synagogue locations across the UK. Marches were repeatedly permitted in the vicinity of synagogues and when there was finally a challenge from the police, the march organisers insisted the premise for the challenge was without foundation.

The marches have played host to hate speech, placards with antisemitic tropes and conspiracy theories. There have been hundreds of arrests, but little to no condemnation from organisers. The community impact statements provided to the CST and the evidence it provided to the Home Affairs Select Committee make clear the effect this has had.[38]

For 15 months, lack of proper enforcement and accountability, or direction from organisers, has ultimately led to many Jews feeling less safe to travel into London on Saturdays, or to attend synagogue. The Khan review commented that ‘90% of British Jews say that they would avoid travelling to a city centre during a major demonstration.’[39] One of the most immediate effects has been a decline in synagogue attendance. Jewish families have reported feeling apprehensive about attending religious services, particularly in areas where marches have passed near Jewish neighbourhoods or synagogues. One Rabbi claimed a reduction of 50% in synagogue attendance.[40] Concerns about security have led some to stay away, fearing potential hostility or even violence as they make their way to or from services. In some cases, synagogues have had to increase security measures significantly, with organisations like the CST receiving additional government funding in 2024 for security and protection of Jewish sites.[41] However, even with these measures, the fear of being visibly Jewish in public spaces, especially when wearing religious symbols such as kippot (skullcaps/a head covering), has made some worshippers reluctant to attend. This has had a noticeable effect on the community’s ability to come together during a time when many are seeking solidarity and support.

We do not support the banning of protests or limiting legal free speech. Our point is, that lack of proper enforcement and allowing marches and protests near Jewish community institutions or neighbourhoods, causing serious disruptions, and the regular public displays of hateful language in public spaces–often with impunity, divides communities and damages the social fabric of our society. Lord Walney’s report – Protecting our Democracy from Coercion[42] – found that ‘activism around the Israeli-Palestinian conflict stands out as being a focus of incitement and intimidation as well as the use of law breaking by some activists.’

The report includes  a number of recommendations about how to address this and other issues of concern that would be worth the committee reviewing. These include recommendation 31, about restricting the activities of organisations that have a policy of using criminal offences that may result in imprisonment or of causing serious disruption that is aimed at influencing government or public debate, in order to protect the rights and freedoms of others.[43] Recommendation 14, regarding amending the Public Order Act 1986 to give police more force to recommend that a march cannot go ahead on a particular date or place, where this is like to result in intimidation or abuse ‘or where there is a demonstrable cumulative impact on serious disruption.’ is another which deserves review. This recommendation adds that ‘the police should take account of the persistence of arrests made at processions for stirring up of hatred, causing harassment, alarm or distress, or support for terrorism.’[44] We also urge the committee to consider recommendation 16: ‘The police and the Crown Prosecution Service should interpret and apply the law on encouraging terrorism broadly so any celebration of terrorist acts, or praise for terror groups and individuals, is viewed as a form of indirect encouragement.'[45] These protests have consistently and repeatedly included shows of support for terrorism and for proscribed terror organisations, including Hamas and Hezbollah.

Another driver of antisemitism can be found within the behaviour of student and trade unions. Despite their obligation to represent all members, certain unions have displayed a marked, institutional bias against Jews, negatively impacting Jewish members, employees, and students, as well as the  wider Jewish community community. In some cases, unions have failed in their responsibilities by systematically and intentionally fostering an environment that enables antisemitic behavior.

The Board of Deputies of British Jews has criticised the National Education Union (NEU) for creating a hostile atmosphere for Jewish teachers.[46] Reports have detailed how the Newham, Tower Hamlets, and Redbridge NEU hosted an event ostensibly aimed at educating about antisemitism, featuring representatives from the Palestine Solidarity Campaign. During the event, these representatives allegedly deflected blame for antisemitism onto Jewish communities and propagated conspiracy theories about the events of October 7.[47]

As a result, the NEU has faced numerous complaints, with many Jewish teachers choosing to leave the union due to safety concerns. Reports indicate that the union has failed to adequately address these complaints.[48]

Similarly, the National Union of Students (NUS) has been identified as having a longstanding problem with antisemitism, as highlighted in a 2023 report.[49] Concerns escalated following the events of October 7. At an NUS event in Blackpool, Jewish students were subjected to antisemitic rhetoric, graffiti, and debates questioning the legitimacy of Hamas—a proscribed terrorist organisation in the UK. Both unions have contributed to an environment that is hostile and unsafe for Jewish individuals.

Discrimination and alienation of Jews in workplaces and educational settings also harm broader community cohesion by heightening tensions and making Jews feel unsafe and unwelcome in their everyday lives.
 

What assessments have been made of community cohesion in the UK in a local and national context?

Despite their small size, Jewish communities in the UK have a long and rich history of contributing to public life, society, and culture. From arts and sciences to politics and philanthropy, Jewish individuals have played a pivotal role in shaping modern Britain. Figures like former Prime Minister Benjamin Disraeli, the philosopher and historian Isaiah Berlin, the artist Lucian Freud, and scientist Rosalind Franklin, whose work was instrumental in the discovery of DNA’s structure, underscore the profound impact of Jewish contributions to Britain.

Jewish communities have contributed to British culture through cuisine, literature, music, and charity. Initiatives such as Mitzvah Day, where Jewish people engage in volunteering and interfaith collaboration, has played host to projects including the erection of food banks and food drives, care home visits by volunteers, and initiating community clean ups. The New North London Synagogue has a programme that supports refugees – including supporting Ukranian refugees now living in the UK. Jewish food banks, including ‘GIFT’, have been providing people in need with free food parcels and household items–many of these were given to vulnerable individuals outside of the Jewish community. The Council of Christians and Jews provided support to different religious communities during Covid. Organisations promoting interfaith actions, including the Jewish Muslim Women’s Network, play an important role in helping to strengthen community cohesion. There are direct engagements too, sometimes covering very difficult issues. Members of the Greater Manchester Jewish Representative Council (JRC), for example, have met with officials from the Quwwatul Islam Mosqueand others as part of a local interfaith initiative.

All of these examples exemplify the Jewish community's commitment to social cohesion and civic engagement. However, lack of funding, as well as criticism of interfaith activities by radical actors, such as the Islamist media outlet 5pillars[50], threaten to undermine efforts and harm social cohesion further.

However, despite this invaluable participation, many Jewish people in the UK now report feeling unsafe or unwelcome when publicly expressing their faith. According to the Institute for Jewish Policy Research (JPR), in 2024, 83% of British Jews define antisemitism as a problem in Britain – the highest proportion found since records began.[51] The JPR also found that: 'Nearly three in four respondents say they feel less safe as a Jewish person living in the UK, and almost two in three adult British Jews said they feel less confident displaying their Jewishness since the October 7 attacks.’[52] This climate of fear not only limits the ability of Jewish individuals to express their faith freely but also has a chilling effect on broader community cohesion. There is a need to combat antisemitism more effectively and to ensure that all communities feel equally valued and protected.

In its responses to All-Party Inquiries into Antisemitism, the UK government acknowledged the importance of interfaith and community initiatives in tackling antisemitism.[53] This included support for the Board of Deputies of British Jews/Hindu Forum of Britain,[54] and the Interfaith Network (IFN) and for the Interfaith Week activities.[55] Funding was pulled from the IFN in 2024 over concerns raised by Ministers. Some funding is still given to several other charities including Near Neighbours. However despite the APPG previous government’s recommendation that Jewish and Muslim communities promote interfaith activities, particularly for young people, acknowledgement that these have a lasting positive impact, and declaring that: ‘the government has a critical interest in and role to play in ensuring that interfaith dialogue is undertaken,’[56] much of the funding has ceased. Initiatives, such as the Stamford Hill Jewish-Christian Forum: Community engagement project, Together in Service, and the Joseph interfaith Foundation, have terminated their activities. The Faiths in Action programme, once funded by the Department for Communities and Local Government (DCLG) is also no longer active due to lack of funding.

How can social media impact community cohesion?

Online harms, primarily content found on social media platforms, undermine democracy and negatively impact social cohesion efforts. Social media amplifies the psychological impact of discrimination by exposing individuals to large amounts of online hate speech and abuse, and channeling it through personal devices. Online platforms create echo chambers where discrimination and antisemitic rhetoric is normalised, increasing the visibility of abuse and its mental health impact. Online behaviours include abuse, harassment, the amplification of content that discriminates on the basis of a protected characteristic, and extremist materials that can cause distress or radicalise individuals.

It is well documented that social media profits are driven by clicks and attention. Grabbing attention is often through reinforcement of personal narratives, which can lead to siloing and then a wider impact offline. The House of Commons has debated this issue of so-called ‘filter bubbles’ as recently as last year.[57]  We have published documents in the past that draw the line between online hate and offline actions, and the real world impacts of Holocaust denial,[58][59] As companies like Meta and X further reduce their online enforcement activities, we can expect the situation offline to further deteriorate.

Another major threat is the spread of online misinformation and disinformation about Jews. Violent attacks, including acts of terrorism against Jews have been perpetrated by individuals who, in certain cases, have been partially or fully radicalised online and exposed to disinformation. Many of these perpetrators believe in antisemitic conspiracy theories. These conspiracies encourage people to scapegoat Jews for their grievances and play into preexisting attitudes and fears.

Extremist mis- and disinformation not only has the ability to radicalise people into violence by reinforcing existing beliefs, it can influence people who do not actively seek out this information, but who have been exposed to it due to lack of safety mechanisms employed by social media companies. In 2021 we conducted a study with CST and the Woolf Institute about antisemitism on Instagram. We found that antisemitic content was suggested to users even if they had not previously looked for it.[60]

Disinformation often surges in response to events. The conflict between Israel and Hamas following the October 7 terrorist attacks led to a considerable rise in antisemitic incidents in the UK and online.[61] This surge has been exacerbated by the widespread dissemination of misinformation, disinformation, and conspiracy theories. Community cohesion at these times can be particularly difficult given the tensions in any given local context. Social media – be it at schools, in workplaces, public agencies or elsewhere will often make things harder, and we know has been a source of tension and complaint in organisations raising from accountancy firms to NHS Trusts.

Artificial Intelligence (AI) has contributed to this barrage of disinformation. AI-generated images and deepfake videos used to manipulate public opinion have emerged since the start of the war.[62] Some of these are sophisticated enough to deceive social media users, who share them believing they depict true events. Others share these images knowingly, aiming to intensify a particular narrative, including anti-Jewish sentiments. Many of these images contain emotive content designed to manipulate viewers and shape their views. The influx of AI-generated disinformation has been so significant that fact-checkers and analysts have struggled to moderate the content.[63] More broadly, AI technology is being used to facilitate terrorist attacks[64] and plans which devastate communities and make social cohesion impossible. The terror attack on the Jewish community in Buenos Aries, for example, devastated its members and led to the community feeling isolated and angry, whilst the political fallout from the event was mismanaged.[65]

We have been vocal about our view that the Government has mishandled the approach to the categorisation of platforms. Some small platforms that host the worst kind of extremist content, including racism, and misogyny, and we supported changes to the Online Safety Act that would have ensured these platforms were more closely regulated. These platforms, some of which have  demonstrably radicalised individuals, and interact with more mainstream platforms, should have been given special status. These platforms create harmful online mini-communities that radicalise one another and as we have outlined above and in our research (on antisemitism, the manosphere and more)[66], there are offline realities about such self-reinforcing filter bubbles.

There should be a new approach to online legislation, given the Online Safety Act is overly cumbersome and complex. A simple, high-level duty of care, a power relating to removing misinformation in relation to national security, stronger emergency powers for the regulator, a statutory access pathway for independent researchers to access platform data, and other duties should be introduced at speed.

How should community cohesion be best approached in schools?

There is a considerable body of evidence to support the role of early exposure to other religions, ethnicities and cultures in reducing racism, prejudice and discrimination, and contributing to social cohesion.[67][68] Children begin forming racial bias at a young age and stopping this from happening, requires proactive exposure to diversity, inclusive education, and open conversations about differences. Therefore, encouraging tolerance, creating environments that celebrate diversity and emphasise shared humanity, and enhancing media literacy to stop children from falling into rabbit holes of racist stereotypes and conspiracy theories, are all important.

The Trust assisted the Parliamentary Task Force on Antisemitism in Higher Education, established in 2022. The report of the Task Force found that antisemitic incidents in universities have increased significantly in recent years.[69] This is due, in part, to the rise of antisemitic discourse online and in the media. However, the report also found that Jewish students were more likely to be exposed to antisemitic abuse, and to ‘casual antisemitism’ in places where there was a lack of education about the Jewish community and antisemitism.[70] This finding shows the importance of early initiatives in which children learn about Judaism and Jewish history, and the Holocaust. However, schools should go beyond Holocaust education to teach about Jewish contributions to British society. This can combat stereotypes and foster mutual respect.

Interfaith activities, where children meet others from different religions and ethnicities, establish dialogues, and spend time getting to know each other, also play an important role in promoting mutual respect. Examples include the twinning of JTA – a Jewish school – and an Islamic school in Manchester. The King David High school with the Manchester Islamic High school for Girls exchanged trips and lessons.[71]

There has been a dramatic increase in antisemitic incidents in schools across the UK over the past year, with both pupils and staff suffering anti-Jewish abuse.[72] Schools should therefore tackle antisemitism directly. Schools that do not have appropriate policies to address instances of antisemitism, should adopt them. Using the IHRA definition of antisemitism can also be a useful tool. Programs such as Stand Up! Education Against Discrimination, which is run by Maccabi GB, CST, and the anti-Islamophobia organisation Tell MAMA, to train young people to challenge hate, can also be helpful.

January 2025