Written evidence submitted by Dr Leanne Savigar-Shaw, Dr Lauren Metcalfe, Ian Ackerley, Dr Rizwan Mustafa and Dr Laura Walton-Williams (POP0066)

This document outlines the response to the Home Affairs Call for Evidence on Priorities of Policing (15.11.2022) from Staffordshire University.

Inquiry: The Home Affairs Committee Call for Evidence on Policing Priorities

Respondents: This response is written by members of the ‘Centre of Crime, Justice and Security’ and the ‘School of Justice, Security and Sustainability’ at Staffordshire University.


Summary of submission:






Full response


  1. What a modern police service, fit for the 2020s and beyond, looks like;


a)      A police service ‘fit for the 2020s and beyond’ is one that must work to resolve challenges of its history from the early 1980’s. Institutionally racist and misogynistic cultural concerns, of which Scarman and Lawrence have been significant, if not watershed, moments and determinations in the history of British policing. Yet in 2022, the Great British public find themselves still wrestling with these historical challenges and learning of a reality of policing that appears firmly rooted in its historical decadence. The murder of Sarah Everard by a serving police officer and Operation Hutton's exposure of an overtly racist and misogynistic police culture has arguably further eroded the already fragile trust and confidence of the general public, the trust and confidence which is the very basis of legitimacy for British Policing. Indeed, public trust and confidence in the police service has been stated as being at an all-time low[1]

However, the ‘professionalisation’ of the police service through the accredited Police Education Qualifications Framework (PEQF) programmes offers an alternative perspective. The makeup of student officers on the aforementioned accredited programmes challenge conventional wisdoms of what one would perhaps expect in a post Sarah Everard and Operation Hutton policing world. Student enrolment data from the Institute of Policing, Staffordshire University highlights that female representation on PEQF programmes ranges between 35.48% and 42.7% across partnership regions[2]. Minority ethnic representation on the PEQF programmes in the West Midlands Police metropolitan area aligns closely with regional demographics. For example, minority ethnic student officers made up 19.46% of the overall cohorts against regional demography of 20.8%.  Indeed, minority ethnic officers in the West Midlands Police force area exceeded community representation on the Degree Holder Entry Programmes (DHEP), constituting 22% of the of the overall cohort against the regional demography of 20.8%1. Furthermore, the development of specialist policing programmes such as the Detective Constable Degree Holder Entry Programme (DCDHEP) are seeing increased numbers of female and minority ethnic student officer enrolment where, in some cohorts female representation has been in excess of 60%1.

A possible explanation for these outcomes, despite the critical challenges policing faces with female and minority ethnic communities in terms of legitimacy, is that such a programme of education offers avenues for generating change[3], for example in police culture as will be highlighted below as central to a future legitimised police force. It also provides a framework for police officers to engage with evidence-based practice through skills developed in both interpreting academic research and undertaking their own independent research. As such, the professionalisation of the police through formal education is key to embedding skills for learning, evaluation and development, as well as cultural change, within the police force. Governmental and force support for educational programmes is required to engender the support of those expected to partake[4].


b)      A service suited to the 2020s and beyond must also utilise community policing more effectively as a means of responding to serious crime and safety issues impacting upon policing and publics, such as serious and organised crime, radicalisation and terrorism, as well as those issues that have greater localised harms.


c)       A modern police force needs to be able to adapt and respond to a changing society, both in relation to the people within the force and the systems and processes being used to deliver this essential service. The ability to respond to contemporary challenges in a timely manner and implement change in a positive way are key to a successful organisation that the public will have confidence in. Accountability and transparency will be essential to withstand scrutiny – when the stakes are high, the public need to have confidence in the people they believe are there to protect the peace and uphold public standards. 


  1. What balance police forces in England and Wales should strike between a focus on preventing and solving crime and carrying out their other functions;


a)      There should be an element of prevention in everything that the police do, as all police interactions with the public offers an opportunity for education, awareness-raising, developing relationships, and/or surveillance of behaviour. As such, there should be no arbitrary figure placed on the amount of time that is spent working towards prevention versus that spent solving crime, but a recognition of the importance that the former has in reducing the latter. Strong prevention strategies will inform the amount of resourcing required for solving crime via the amount of crime that may be committed, but prevention in a society concerned with legislation also relies heavily upon appropriate deterrence through detection and sanction. Therefore, both prevention and crime solving remain core functions of the police.


b)      The value of both lies heavily in community policing and the relationships that are built between the police and the community, as well as strong relationships between the police and other agencies responsible for supporting the public. This includes those organisations responsible for supporting mental health care, drug misuse, housing, social care, and migrant support. Deprivation that needs to be addressed at a broader societal level will impact on crime, increasing the importance of multi-agency working as set out in the Crime and Disorder Act. Reviewing and auditing the partnerships and relationships between the police and other organisations is key to identifying areas for improvement or gaps in the current working relationships and associated practices.


c)       Police should also look to draw upon local resources and expertise to support them in their endeavours to address both prevention and solving crime. For example, evaluation studies into the effectiveness of crime prevention strategies can be undertaken by universities, who have a strong sense of civic responsibility and the resources to manage such research. Working collaboratively with organisations who have the potential to positively influence society is key to preventing crime and responding appropriately to criminal incidents.


  1. What roles police forces should prioritise;


a)    Community policing is a bedrock of the police service of England and Wales[5]. There are documented links between this function and the role it plays in supporting the prevention and detection of serious crime. The benefit this style of policing can have to police-community relations and its proactive capabilities have also been documented, and yet there is a distinct lack of value that the service and politicians place on community policing.  This was the area greatly sacrificed when cuts were made.  Back in 2018, the House of Common’s report on ‘Policing for the Future’[6] warned that policing was at risk of becoming ‘irrelevant’ without maintaining local engagement.  However, more recently, politicians have referred to the police as a crime fighting force with a lack of emphasis on community policing functions.  The reality is, such a small percentage of police work falls under this crime fighting category.  In fact, the need of the service is in doing more to engage communities, to gather information and intelligence, to involve communities in supporting wider aspects of police practice and working more collaboratively with wider organisations to become more sustainable.  All of which are core functions of community policing.


b)   The national shortage of detectives is well evidenced as a ‘national crisis’[7].  Yet, the investigation of crime remains a core function of the service.  This is not about police forces not recognising the prioritisation of detectives but acknowledgement of the struggle of forces to recruit and retain into these positions.  Police forces need to re-establish the status once associated with the role of detective, re-create the interest and appeal of the once desirable career path and offer more to entice current officers to specialise in investigative functions.


c)    Police forces should look to prioritise investigative and preventative capabilities in core areas which align to contemporary concerns and high-risk areas, such as those fitting within the Violence Against Women and Girls (VAWG)[8] agenda and the national focus on vulnerability[9].  Police forces should explore opportunities to establish dedicated teams to respond appropriately to contemporary police/public concerns. They also need to harness the experience and expertise in other services, and work systematically and collaboratively, to address these high priority issues. This will require a sustained commitment, with long term investment and the courage to modify current practices to provide a fit-for-purpose response to these endemic challenges.    


d)   Throughout all roles, forces should engage with the evidence base available to work more effectively, more efficiently and employ best practice into all areas of policing to strive for the best outcomes and best service. Greater value placed on evidence and highlighting of the benefits of its use within forces would help to continue the efforts made so far to establish Evidence Based Policing as a core aspect of police function.  Working with academic partners to increase capabilities for research and evaluation to establish ‘what works’ will be essential to support the institutionalisation of Evidence Based Policing Research within forces.

  1. What can be done to improve community policing and increase trust in police officers and forces, including on funding and on disciplinary powers when police officer behaviour falls below required standards;


Improve community policing

a)      There is a need to build and express perceived value in community policing and the contribution it brings to policing. Several areas of concern must be addressed to achieve this. Firstly, supporting community policing with consistent funding and resource allocation support. Teams that perform core community policing functions struggle from uncertainty on resourcing, both in terms of longer-term funding cuts that result in reductions in the number of staff undertaking community policing roles[10] and in immediate allocation of resources to respond to calls for service, with community policing officers responding to emergency incidents. It is consequently difficult for community policing teams to develop credible mid and longer-term strategies which support the community engagement function of such roles. Evidencing a recognised value in community policing through a promised appropriate resourcing strategy can allow for a less short-term focus on everyday task allocation to a greater longer-term focus on overcoming issues facing policing that involve communities.


b)      Secondly, addressing concerning cultural bias relating to community policing function. Police roles that encompass community policing are seen to be contrary to the traditionally masculine notion of what it means to be a police officer, unappealing to those attracted to a machoistic position[11]. Whilst community policing functions may therefore attract those who are less problematic in terms of the misogynistic and machoistic police culture, those employed in such roles continue to face internal pressure to justify their value in policing[12]. It is concerning, but also not surprising, that such individuals perceive a need to adapt to, and endorse those cultural norms to feel better positioned to undertake additional policing tasks and progress their policing careers[13]. This is problematic given the wider public concerns and early Casey report findings about the cultural issues within policing. Furthermore, this internal undervaluing of community policing roles is contrasted with public groups, particularly those who have expressed concerns regarding disproportionate treatment of ethnic minority groups, who express greater support for such roles and are calling for greater community engagement through them[14].


c)       Related to the above, community policing should be considered as embedded into a wider array of police functions rather than being perceived simply as a role for neighbourhood policing teams. This requires a universal recognition of the benefits of community engagement and relationship building. For those who have any contact with the public, there are opportunities to either build or weaken the relationship between the police and the public. This includes firearms officers, response officers, and others who may consider their role to be reactive in nature. A greater consideration for the longer-term impacts of every police contact is important for all police employees to recognise the impact of their day-to-day interactions on the longer-term community relationship building. One negative experience is likely to negatively impact on public perceptions of the police more greatly than a positive experience is[15]. The work of dedicated community officers to help build community relations can therefore easily be unravelled by other teams, officers or staff who come into contact with the police where they do not consider their roles to also be embedded in community policing principles.


d)      It is essential that police recruitment is concerned with identifying appropriate individuals who are able to undertake community policing functions regardless of their role. This would be stronger with inclusion of public awareness and recruitment campaigns that emphasise the value and proportion of community policing within the police. This also requires consideration of developing appropriate promotion and development opportunities for Police Community Support Officers (PCSOs) which allows them to continue to advance and/or apply their community engagement skills rather than requiring them to consider alternative police roles for progression opportunities. Opportunities for development are likely to support the retention of those within community roles in ways which allow for consistent and longer-term police-public contact and relationship-building.


Increase trust

a)      A twofold response is needed to increase trust in police officers and forces. Firstly, efforts must be made to build communities of normative compliance and increase the number of net promoters supportive of police work and decision-making processes across various communities. Normative compliance, that is compliance resulting from a perception that a recommended action is the morally right thing to do, contrasts to instrumental compliance – compliance generated through a credible risk of sanction. Whilst instrumental compliance requires additional police resource, and therefore funding, to present a credible risk of detecting, policing and sanctioning problematic behaviour, normative compliance produces self-policing communities that behave appropriately regardless of the risk of sanction. It is logical, therefore, that police forces strive towards engendering normative compliance in the communities they service.

Normative compliance may be developed through fair treatment by the police and identification with the police as a social group. Fair treatment is more likely to be perceived where the public experience police treatment that is procedurally just, and procedurally just experiences are associated with stronger identification with the police as a social group, which in turn enhances legitimation of the police[16]. Identification with the police may be enhanced through effortful and genuine engagement processes that situate publics at the heart, rather than periphery, of policing, as well as considered efforts of recruiting various communities within policing. It is through this fair treatment and social connection to the police, and the legitimate actions of the police more broadly, that publics are subsequently more likely to develop public net promoters, that is individuals who rate their service/experience in a positive way, and reduce the number of net detractors, that is those who would rate it in a negative way[17].

To support efforts to generate this level of support for the police, transparency of action and decision making is needed. More communication in communities with a lack of trust and confidence can help them to understand police efforts to tackle longstanding issues and concerns those communities have. It is not enough to expect information and intelligence to be offered from communities without a reciprocated relationship of information-sharing and engagement being supported. Trust must be developed over time through consistent and frequent communication and engagement, including individuals from various communities rather than simply being done to those communities without consultation or engagement.

Importantly, this transparency and engagement process should revolve around explaining how efforts to generate cultural change will be achieved. Cultural change is needed to overcome the issues of misogyny, sexism and racism that have a longstanding history within police culture and are an increasingly publicly aired concern for communities. Recognition of historically failed efforts to generate cultural change through structural measures, incentives and developing vision/target-driven leaders is required in order for appropriate methods of generating cultural change to be implemented[18]. Efforts which impose more rigorous discipline codes that require additional policing should be replaced with efforts to develop an organisational community guided by morally ethical principles, in much the same way that a focus on external instrumental compliance should be replaced with efforts to engender normative compliance. Evaluating the success of cultural change efforts is key to understanding their value and/or requirement for adjustment, rather than attempting to continue with a process or system that is failing to bring about the required change.

b)      The second part of the response required to increase trust in police officers and forces is initiated internally. Organisational justice can support the above programme of change by ensuring that police force employees are treated equally fairly as they are expected to treat members of the public, helping to build organisational morale. Indeed, this internally facing support for police employees has been found to increase police officer/staff commitment to the organisation and improve officer/staff perceptions of misconduct[19]. Therefore, by providing organisational justice through neutral decision-making processes (for example, in disciplinary processes), treating employees with dignity and respect, showing trust in officers/staff, and offering opportunities for having a voice in organisational planning and development, police officers/staff are more likely to support the organisation and behave according to the principles it represents and stands for. Organisational justice can therefore provide opportunities for generating cultural change whereby employees support and embody ethical principles that the organisation is committed to.

Of course, that commitment to those principles must be made clear, and it must be easily recognisable what the norm-based expectations are in relation to those principles. Furthermore, the attempted implementation of organisational justice, and indeed the implementation of any new training or change programme, must be well considered and supported internally. A lack of internal operational support for such programmes of change have resulted in implementation failure, particularly where they are seen to be done to, rather than recognising the role of, the officers involved[20].

Building internally perceived legitimacy through organisational justice is also known to impact upon officer behaviour when engaging in public interactions, and officer support for democratic policing principles[21]. This internal cultural progression will therefore likely inform and have benefits for external relationships and experiences, guiding broader notions of trust from the public. Organisational justice is then subsequently important for supporting the recruitment from more diverse communities via a possible enhanced perceived support for police practice within those communities.


Officer behaviour below required standards

a)      Historical issues that continue to be raised, for example in relation to police racism, suggest that traditional attempts to improve police officer behaviour through increasing amounts of legislation or guidance on officer actions which require sanctioning is ineffective alone. In contrast, incorporating organisational change which endeavours to build internal trust in turn develops support for appropriate police behaviour in line with organisational expectations and commitments[22]. Therefore, a focus on improving organisational justice is likely to inform officer behaviour in a positive light, as well as attitudes towards misconduct and the reporting of misconduct. As such, organisational justice is key to ensuring that officer behaviour which falls below the required standards is not supported or does not exist as a cultural norm and is instead reported.

b)      The reporting of inappropriate behaviour which falls below the standards required of officers must also be embedded within the cultural norms of policing, with officers/staff clearly aware of the reporting processes and procedures so that they feel adequately equipped to respond to such behaviour when it is observed.

c)       Processes of rigorous and independent scrutiny of such behaviour that is valued and used to inform development of procedures and processes, not just practice, are required. Independent scrutiny of the processes and procedures can enhance perceptions of credibility and legitimacy of the process, for both the police and the public, rather than such processes being perceived as the police simply policing themselves. This independent scrutiny may be in the form of academics with a knowledge and awareness of the processes and evidence base in the area, or independent advisory group who have had direct training within this area. Individuals recruited to offer guidance through such a strategic standards independent advisory group would need to be continuously refreshed to avoid an overfamiliarity that may lead to bias in the longer term. It should exist to scrutinise decision making processes, not the decision itself, in recognition that there are areas for improvement in those processes. As such, there must be associated opportunities for generating change in those processes and a continual dialogue with and from the police, to reduce the risk of such a process being considered a disingenuous effort to involve communities in policing for free, risking the delegitimisation of such a process.



  1. Specifically, what the Metropolitan Police must do to increase trust under its new Commissioner;


a)      The Metropolitan Police Commissioner must acknowledge longstanding community concerns, and early Casey findings, of a problematic police culture and concerns of misconduct relating to misogyny and racism. Expressing recognition of the internal issues and the impacts that they have had both for Metropolitan Police employees and their public communities is an important step for the public to begin to trust that something may be done to tackle those issues. In addition, we recommend that the Commissioner would benefit from developing a strategic protocol for responding to the issues of police misconduct, inappropriate police behaviour, and concerning police culture. This involves setting clear standards of behaviour for Metropolitan Police employees and expectations in striving towards a fair, effective, and lawful police force. Those expectations are more likely to become culturally normative where embedded into an organisationally just workforce, as outlined in response to question 4. Furthermore, the protocol for responding to these concerns should be communicated to communities to evidence transparency in the efforts that are being put in place to overcome them.


b)      Linked to this, the Commissioner must help rebuild legitimacy over time through continuous, genuine, transparent proactive engagement with communities. It is insufficient to interact proactively with communities infrequently, for example once every six months or to engage only where a critical incident has occurred, as those communities who have long-term mistrust of the police are likely to consider that a reactionary and tokenistic gesture rather than a genuine effort to develop relationships. These opportunities for engagement and relationship-development must take place with different types of community or social group, in particular recognising the importance of engaging with young people, women and girls, and those from minority ethnic groups. Building proactive relationships with varied community groups is essential for the Metropolitan police to build trust in the publics it serves.


c)       As well as proactive engagement, where reactive operational contact is made with individuals or groups, that should be delivered in a way which is both procedurally fair and evidences a recognition of cultural norms and expectations with particular groups. This is likely to require additional training and support for operational officers and staff to make discretionary judgements on neutrality; in some circumstances it is appropriate not to treat all individuals/circumstances in the same way but to be considerate of religious, cultural and other influences on interactions and the adjustments that officers/staff will need to make in response to them. Cultural intelligence[23] training may help develop knowledge and understanding of such circumstances and how they may be approached in a way that maintains a level of fair professionalism.


d)      We recommend that the Metropolitan Police Commissioner considers the impact of force policing priorities and strategic resourcing decisions on public perceptions of police legitimacy. Key to perceptions of police legitimacy is the resourcing distribution of officers and the distribution of outcomes, known as distributive justice[24]. It is widely acknowledged that certain geographical locations and groups, namely those within areas of high socioeconomic deprivation/uncertainty, disproportionately experience police contact and criminal justice outcomes[25]. Although there is evidence suggesting that hotspot policing, which targets police resource to geographical areas where crime appears to be most heavily concentrated, is effective in reducing drug, disorder and property crime[26], there are implications for those residing in those areas that are more heavily policed. In particular, this has a role to play in the disproportionate criminalisation of young people and minority ethnic communities[27], and yet does not appear to be effective for more contemporary crime issues of theft, fraud, computer misuse and sexual offences[28]. It is key that the Commissioner recognises crime priorities in relation to continual and increasing crimes of 2022 and the future operational environment of policing and develops a strategic plan for distributing resources fairly across those crime types rather than over policing certain communities where these contemporary crime concerns are unlikely to be addressed appropriately. 


e)      Finally, we recommend that the Metropolitan Police Commissioner clarify and distinguish between the responsibilities of the Metropolitan Police in policing London as a geographical location and their national responsibilities. It must be clear to the police and public which organisation is responsible for a given area, and that where there are other organisations involved or leading on an issue, that is clearly communicated for transparency and clarity.



6) What steps can be taken to improve national conviction rates, including via relationships with other bodies such as the Crown Prosecution Service.


a)      In part, the national shortage of detectives has led to victims of crime not receiving the service their crime demanded[29]. Without a significant number of experienced detectives, the service may struggle to adequately investigate each crime robustly and positively influence conviction rates. Furthermore, the low retention rate of detectives means that investigations of ‘less serious’ crime can be left with uniformed officers where specialist investigative expertise is not present or newly qualified detectives still learning the role. The high-risk work along with the high workloads placed upon those remaining experienced officers increases the pressure and strain on the workforce[30], increasing the potential for cases not to receive the dedicated time and investigation power needed to secure convictions, not due to incompetence, but inability to cope. Increasing the capacity of police forces to investigate crime to high standards by increasing numbers of competent and dedicated detectives will be key in improving national conviction rates. Not only this, but encouraging retention of officers in these areas so that expertise is nurtured, a stable experienced investigative capacity is available and proficiency passed on through tutoring of new detectives will support the conviction rates. How this is achieved, whether through renumeration, working conditions, expectation setting or other, requires deeper exploration.


b)      It is one thing for victims to be engaged during the investigation of crime and building the case for consideration by the CPS; but the length of time cases are waiting to get to court[31] results in a lapse of engagement from authorities or victims disengaging during these lengthy time periods[32] due to not wanting to retraumatise themselves or partly because the meaning of the trial and potential conviction is lost. Cases need to be heard in a timely fashion to aide conviction rates.


c)       Ensuring every officer holds core knowledge about some of the fundamentals of investigation that can be performed by others in the service rather than solely detectives, such as collecting and preserving evidence effectively, early positive victim engagement and statement writing so that cases are not failing on the basic core elements. This is a role that education and training; tutor constables; supervision; and the CPS can play a part in by providing new recruits, but also refreshing mature officers with detailed knowledge and application in these areas. The importance of improving standards all the way down to the basic level of spelling, grammar and ensuring core inclusions within a statement should be the fundamentals of all officers supporting investigation and leading to conviction. 


d)      Maintaining good relationships with the CPS may allow further opportunities for the CPS to act as a critical friend on produced case files to reduce the number of failed cases resulting from substandard submissions[33] in future. The invaluable learning from this will hopefully reduce the number of rejected files or requirement for amendments to create a higher quality product to support conviction.


November 2022


[1] https://rusi.org/explore-our-research/publications/commentary/public-confidence-police-new-low-service

[2] Second Year Review, 2022. Please contact Dr Rizwan Mustafa for more information.

[3] Parker-McLeod, K.J., 2020. The Graduate Cop: Professionalising the Police Through the Police Education Qualifications Framework, One Graduate at a Time (Doctoral dissertation, University of Portsmouth).

[4] Williams, E., Norman, J. and Rowe, M., 2019. The police education qualification framework: a professional agenda or building professionals?. Police Practice and Research, 20(3), pp.259-272.

[5] NPCC (2017) Policing Vision 2025; The Police Foundation (2017) The future of neighbourhood policing. London: The Police Foundation. Available at: https://www.police-foundation.org.uk/2017/wp-content/uploads/2010/10/TPFJ6112-Neighbourhood-Policing-Report-WEB_2.pdf

[6] House of Commons Home Affairs Committee (2018) Policing for the future. London: House of Commons. Available at: https://publications.parliament.uk/pa/cm201719/cmselect/cmhaff/515/515.pdf

[7] Billingham, Z. in HMICFRS (2018) Police forces good at keeping people safe but showing strain Available at:


[8] HM Government (2021) Tackling Violence Against Women and Girls. Available at: https://assets.publishing.service.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/1033934/Tackling_Violence_Against_Women_and_Girls_Strategy_-_July_2021.pdf

[9] College of Policing, NPCC and VKPP (2021) National Vulnerability Action Plan 2020-2022. Available at: https://www.npcc.police.uk/Crime%20Ops%20Committee/NVAP.pdf

[10] https://www.police-foundation.org.uk/2017/wp-content/uploads/2010/10/the_future_of_neighbourhood_policing_final.pdf

[11] Radburn, M., Savigar-Shaw, L., Stott, C., Tallent, D. and Kyprianides, A., 2022. How do police officers talk about their encounters with ‘the public’? Group interaction, procedural justice and officer constructions of policing identities. Criminology & criminal justice, 22(1), pp.59-77.

[12] De Camargo, C., 2020. ‘They wanna be us’; PCSO performances, uniforms, and struggles for acceptance. Policing and Society, 30(7), pp.854-869.

[13] Cosgrove, F.M., 2016. ‘I wannabe a copper’: The engagement of Police Community Support Officers with the dominant police occupational culture. Criminology & criminal justice, 16(1), pp.119-138.

[14] https://www.bbc.co.uk/programmes/m0017bzc

[15] Skogan, W.G. (2006). Asymmetry in the impact of encounters with police. Policing & Society, 16(2), 99126

[16] Bradford, B., Hohl, K., Jackson, J. and MacQueen, S., 2015. Obeying the rules of the road: Procedural justice, social identity, and normative compliance. Journal of contemporary criminal justice, 31(2), pp.171-191.

[17] Seddon, J., 2014. The Whitehall Effect: How Whitehall became the enemy of great public services and what we can do about it. Axminster: Triarchy Press.

[18] Seddon, J., 2008. Systems thinking in the public sector. Axminster: Triarchy Press.

[19] Fridell, L.A., Maskaly, J. and Donner, C.M., 2021. The relationship between organisational justice and police officer attitudes toward misconduct. Policing and Society, 31(9), pp.1081-1099.

[20] MacQueen, S. and Bradford, B., 2017. Where did it all go wrong? Implementation failure—and more—in a field experiment of procedural justice policing. Journal of experimental criminology, 13(3), pp.321-345.

[21] Bradford, B. and Quinton, P., 2014. Self-legitimacy, police culture and support for democratic policing in an English constabulary. British journal of criminology, 54(6), pp.1023-1046.

[22] Kyprianides, A., Bradford, B., Beale, M., Savigar-Shaw, L., Stott, C. and Radburn, M., 2022. Policing the COVID-19 pandemic: police officer well-being and commitment to democratic modes of policing. Policing and society, 32(4), pp.504-521.

[23] Earley, P.C. and Ang, S., 2003. Cultural intelligence: Individual interactions across cultures. California: Stanford University Press.

[24] McLean, K., 2020. Revisiting the role of distributive justice in Tyler’s legitimacy theory. Journal of experimental Criminology, 16(2), pp.335-346.

[25] McAra, L. and McVie, S., 2005. The usual suspects? Street-life, young people and the police. Criminal justice, 5(1), pp.5-36.

[26] https://www.college.police.uk/research/crime-reduction-toolkit/hot-spots-policing?InterventionID=46

[27] Phillips, C., Bowling, B., Liebling, A. and Maruna, S., 2017. Ethnicities, racism, crime and criminal justice. In A Liebling, S Maruna & L McAra (eds.) The Oxford handbook of criminology: Oxford: Oxford University Press, pp.190-212.

[28] https://www.ons.gov.uk/peoplepopulationandcommunity/crimeandjustice/bulletins/crimeinenglandandwales/yearendingjune2022

[29] HMIC (2020)

[30] Police Federation (2022) Detectives in Crisis. Available at: https://www.polfed.org/campaigns/detectives-in-crisis/ 

[31] Victims Commissioner (2022) Enormous court backlogs mean victims of crime are facing years of unacceptable delay in their quest for justice. Available at: https://victimscommissioner.org.uk/news/enormous-court-backlogs-mean-victims-of-crime-are-facing-years-of-unacceptable-delay-in-their-quest-for-justice/

[32] HM Government (2018) Victim Strategy. CM9700 Available at: https://assets.publishing.service.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/746930/victim-strategy.pdf

[33] HMICFRS (2021) State of Policing The Annual Assessment of Policing in England and Wales 2020. London: HMICFRS Available at: https://www.justiceinspectorates.gov.uk/hmicfrs/wp-content/uploads/state-of-policing-2020.pdf